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All in a session’s work: Pay hikes to official dinosaurs

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If the just completed legislative session were a school year, the Class of 2018 would not be making the Honor Roll.

Oh, sure, there were a few outstanding successes, like coming up with a comprehensive plan to deal with opioid abuse from all angles. And even the vote to give teachers a 19 percent pay hike probably rates an A even though educators wanted far more, like restoring state aid to at least 2008 levels.

There also were some Bs for dealing with problems, like having the state license sober living homes for the first time ever and removing Arizona from the list of states where there was no minimum age to get married.

But much of the 116-day session resulted in what could be described as just average, run-of-the-mill alterations to existing state law, much of it to satisfy one or another business interest.

And there were more than a fair share of Fs — and incompletes in particular — for things left undone, particularly anything dealing with gun violence and school safety.

Still, there were examples of being able to work and play well together, notably the package of changes designed to deal with the spike of opioid-related deaths.

Coordinating with members of both parties and affected interests, Gov. Doug Ducey put together a plan that does everything from limit the number of pills that patients can get at any one time and the strength of their dosages to training for doctors to a “Good Samaritan” provision allowing people to call for help when a buddy overdoses without fearing they will get arrested themselves.

Still even that had to be picked apart, with lawmakers rejecting some ideas like a “needle exchange” program to ensure that addicts weren’t sharing disease as they were sharing needles.

school-funding-620Ducey and the Republican legislative leadership did focus on K-12 funding, not only with the pay hike but also a move to start restoring $371 million in other annual school district assistance that they had taken in prior years.

There also was a decision to extend the 0.6-cent sales tax for education that was set to expire in 2021. Still, it did take a bit of prodding from a newly energized group of teachers, organizing under the #RedForEd banner, to get their attention.

Lawmakers also did agree to require recess periods for children in kindergarten through fifth grade. They also spelled out that schools that offer kindergarten incorporate play as an instructional strategy and be “academically meaningful.”

School districts are now barred from refusing to sell unused buildings to charter schools.

Substitute teachers can now use some of their time in front of a classroom toward the experience requirement to get a teaching certificate.

And schools are now free to put up the state motto of “Ditat Deus” including its English translation of “God enriches.”

Then there’s the list of what did not get done.

The most spectacular — and perhaps most far-reaching — failure was the inability to enact any changes in laws designed to deal with gun violence, particularly at schools.

While there has been no shortage of mass shootings, the killing of 17 students and teachers at a Parkland, Fla. high school appeared to put some momentum into the movement to address the issue, both nationally and in Arizona. Even Ducey came up with a plan.

But the governor found few friends, with some pointing up his refusal to propose universal background checks on gun sales and a ban on “bump stocks,” even as others sniped at the idea of allowing a judge to order someone locked up for evaluation to determine if that person is such a potential danger to self or others that his or her ability to have a firearm should be curbed.

Lawmakers also refused to enact stiffer penalties for the intentional abuse or killing of pets, even after being told that those who commit those crimes often go on to become mass shooters.

Lake Pleasant, located Northwest of Phoenix, is part of the system that supplies water to Maricopa and Pima counties. (Photo courtesy of Central Arizona Project)
Lake Pleasant, located Northwest of Phoenix, is part of the system that supplies water to Maricopa and Pima counties. (Photo courtesy of Central Arizona Project)

Close behind is the failure to make meaningful — and some say needed — changes in state water laws.

Arizona does have what some consider to be a fairly effective code for dealing with groundwater.

But the drought has pointed out the flaws and the gaps in the statute, things like property owners in rural areas being able to pump all they want without even measuring it. There also are questions about how existing laws work when they deal with surface waters which are handled different in the statutes even though taking water from one tends to affect the other.

But the big hang-up was what amounted to a turf war about Colorado River water with Ducey and his Department of Water Resources on one side and the Central Arizona Water Conservation District with its own elected board on the other.

Also failing was a bid to allow counties to impose their own gasoline taxes to meet road construction and maintenance needs.

A bid to provide tax relief to senior homeowners also failed, as did a ban on photo radar.

And Arizona will not be joining 47 other states that have some sort of a ban on driving while texting. While a measure cleared the Senate it was blocked when House Speaker J.D. Mesnard, R-Chandler, said the only thing acceptable to him would be a law on “distracted driving.”

Lawmakers did spend some of their time telling other levels of government how to operate.

Most significant is a law that prohibits cities and counties from enacting ordinances which require that nonprofit groups disclose the source of their dollars when they get involved in affecting elections. But the Legislature also decided to restrict the ability of cities to set their own election dates if they can’t show that it does not depress turnout.

They also inserted themselves into some personal areas, spelling out a list of questions that have to be asked of a woman before she can get an abortion and deciding that when there are frozen embryos after a divorce that the parent willing to bring them to term gets preference.

But they were willing to alter state laws in the name of promoting business — sometimes specific interests.

(Photo by Preston Keres/U.S. Dept. of Agriculture)
(Photo by Preston Keres/U.S. Dept. of Agriculture)

Consider the measure to allow Grade A eggs to remain on store shelves longer. That was pushed by the Arizona Retailers Association concerned that consumers were loath to buy eggs that were close to their 24-day pull date, resulting in lots of unused — and unusable — product.

Trust companies can now meet their legal capital requirements with gold coins.

Sand and gravel companies pushed through a measure allowing them to get variances from existing requirements to reclaim the land where they mined their products.

Landlords are getting more flexibility in how they handle personal property left behind by tenants.

Companies that sell service contracts on things like appliances are becoming exempt from the same requirements as other forms of insurance.

Grocers are being spared the possibility that a local community might seek to impose a sales tax on sugared sodas.

And lawmakers voted to set up a “regulatory sandbox” program where companies can try out “innovative” financial products to offer to Arizonans without having to be licensed or get other regulatory authority.

Republican lawmakers did agree to ask voters in November to impose some new limits on the Citizens Clean Election Commission which administers funds to statewide and legislative candidates who forego private donations.

But they opted not to put a “clean energy ” measure on the ballot crafted by Arizona Public Service to compete with a more comprehensive initiative by a California billionaire. Also failing to be referred to the ballot was an effort to undermine a part of the 2016 voter-approved minimum wage law which gives workers guaranteed sick days, and another measure to revamp the Independent Redistricting Commission.

Some of what happened during the session had little to do directly with legislation.

There was the decision by the House to eject one of its own after several lawmakers, lobbyists, staffers and even a newspaper publisher complained that Rep. Don Shooter, R-Yuma, had sexually harassed them.

The Sonorasaurus,Arizona's state dinosaur (Wikimedia Commons)
The Sonorasaurus,Arizona’s state dinosaur (Wikimedia Commons)

And the whole attitude of less regulation allowed Ducey to unilaterally decide that testing autonomous vehicles on Arizona roads was just fine — until the governor had to reverse course after a pedestrian was killed in Tempe.

Other odds and ends from the session:

– Eliminating the ability of credit bureaus to impose a charge every time someone wants to freeze or unfreeze a credit report;

– Limiting the authority of courts to consider someone’s blindness in questions of adoption or parenting time;

– Making it a crime to extort someone to have sex;

– Banning the practice of forcing victims in sexual harassment and assault cases to sign confidentiality agreements in civil settlements;

– Enhancing the penalty for drunk-drivers who end up going the wrong way on freeways;

– Establishing the Sonorasaurus as the official state dinosaur;

– Prohibiting the use of software in cash registers and computers designed to help retailers avoid paying sales taxes;

– Allowing those who declare bankruptcy to keep up to $2,000 worth of firearms;

– Tightening up laws to prevent people from using electronic messages to get around open meeting requirements;

– Limiting the ability of those who sell gift cards from including an expiration date;

– Prohibiting people from misrepresenting pets as service animals.

Arizona governor gives raises to aides despite lean budget

Teachers rallied at the Arizona Capitol on May 2, 2017, after Rep. John Allen said teachers got second jobs to increase their lifestyle and buy boats. Teachers chanted that they wanted a 4 percent raise from the state. (Photo by Rachel Leingang, Arizona Capitol Times)
Teachers rallied at the Arizona Capitol on May 2, 2017, after Rep. John Allen said teachers got second jobs to increase their lifestyle and buy boats. Teachers chanted that they wanted a 4 percent raise from the state. (Photo by Rachel Leingang, Arizona Capitol Times)

Arizona Gov. Doug Ducey has given 44 of his staffers raises of up to 20 percent despite offering teachers raises of less than 1 percent because of a lean budget.

The Arizona Republic reports that records the newspaper obtained indicate the Republican governor gave the majority of his staff a raise, a promotion or both since he took office in 2015.

Ducey’s spokesman says the raises to aides went to individuals “who have really proven themselves and done good work.”

The governor has also promoted at least 40 employees and their salary increases ranged from 5 to 100 percent.

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Ducey offers teachers 20% pay raise by 2020

Arizona teachers march in protest of their low pay and school funding in front of a local radio station waiting for Republican Gov. Doug Ducey to show up for a live broadcast Tuesday, April 10, 2018, in Phoenix. Arizona teachers are threatening a statewide walkout, following the lead of educators in other states. (AP Photo/Ross D. Franklin)
Arizona teachers march in protest of their low pay and school funding in front of a local radio station waiting for Republican Gov. Doug Ducey to show up for a live broadcast Tuesday, April 10, 2018, in Phoenix. Arizona teachers are threatening a statewide walkout, following the lead of educators in other states. (AP Photo/Ross D. Franklin)

As Arizona teachers threaten to strike over low wages, Gov. Doug Ducey unveiled a revised budget proposal April 12 that offers educators a 9-percent pay bump in the next school year.

The governor’s latest plan still won’t raise taxes to generate new revenue. And unlike a competing proposal floated by House Republican leaders, it won’t sweep money from other sources of funding proposed for K-12 schools, like the $371 million Ducey pledged to school districts for capital needs like new school buses, textbooks and facility maintenance.

Just days ago, Ducey had characterized teachers rallying behind the “Red for Ed” movement as engaging in “political theater.”

On Thursday, Ducey had a much different response.

Gov. Doug Ducey announces a plan to give teachers a 20 percent raise over the next three fiscal years. (Photo by Katie Campbell/Arizona Capitol Times)
Gov. Doug Ducey announces a plan to give teachers a 20 percent raise over the next three fiscal years. (Photo by Katie Campbell/Arizona Capitol Times)

“I’ve said I’m on the side of the teachers, and we’ve been listening and I’ve been working,” Ducey said.

Ducey’s proposal relies on a variety of sources, like higher-than-average state revenues and new dollars available from the legislative extension of the Proposition 301 education sales tax. Ducey has also proposed reducing state government operating budgets to pay for the proposal.

State budget analysts recently estimated there may be $46 million in ongoing revenues available thanks to strong revenue collections.

The governor may also roll back some of the legislative initiatives he proposed this year, including a tax break for some veterans. Another item that could be on the table is funds Ducey earmarked for enforcement of a new, wrong-way driving law that charges drivers who go the wrong way on the highway with a felony.

“Our economy has been growing, we have surplus revenues and we’re going to put these toward teacher pay,” Ducey said. “That’ll be the commitment. We’ll have to make other adjustments.”

Ducey’s initial budget proposal in January included a 1-percent pay raise for teachers, following through on the promise of a 2-percent pay bump phased in over two years.

The new plan boosts teacher pay by 9 percent in the upcoming school year, for a total raise of 10 percent since 2017. That amounts to $274 million for teacher pay in the proposed budget for next year, Ducey said at the press conference.

Under Ducey’s plan, when teachers start teaching in the fall they will be paid, on average, $52,725 — up from the current average of $48,372. By 2021, Arizona teachers will make $58,130 on average.

The governor is also promising future raises of 5 percent in fiscal years 2020 and 2021 for a cumulative total of 20 percent over a four-year period.

House Speaker J.D. Mesnard and Senate President Steve Yarbrough, both Chandler Republicans, offered their initial blessing of Ducey’s plan, as did other legislators flanking the governor when he announced the planned pay hikes.

Rep. Heather Carter, R-Cave Creek, said it was crucial that Ducey maintain the promise to restore cuts to capital funding and boost teacher pay.

“(Capital funding) is a critical component of any budget that we have moving forward, because it is important to realize that it is time for us to start restoring a portion of that formula funding that has been suspended for a number of years,” Carter said.

Mesnard, who this week floated a proposal that would have swept capital funding to boost teacher pay, said he supports Ducey’s concept to fund both needs.

“If we can do both additional assistance and teacher pay, that’s fine. If I have to choose, I’m always going to choose teacher pay,” Mesnard said. “Teacher pay has to be the priority.”

To do this, Ducey must now convince a majority of legislators to approve his proposal and give teachers a 9-percent raise this year.

Raises offered in the out years are no guarantee.

Ducey is up for re-election this year, as are all members of the Legislature. Future budgets may be tighter, and a Legislature with a different makeup may resist pay raises Ducey promised in previous budget years.

The governor’s latest proposal comes in the wake of an inspired protest from Arizona teachers, who’ve watched their colleagues in states like West Virginia and Oklahoma spur state leaders to boost funding for K-12 education.

Locally, Arizona teachers hopped on the “Red for Ed” movement this legislative session calling for higher teacher pay and more school funding.

Leaders of Arizona Educators United have called for 20-percent raises. While they haven’t specifically said when they want the raises, they could be dissatisfied with Ducey’s proposal to spread out the pay hike over four years. But Ducey was flanked by dozens of superintendents and other education advocates as he made the announcement.

Ducey’s earlier dismissals of teachers’ demands have left educators so incensed they’ve threatened to strike. Earlier this week, Ducey called the “Red for Ed” movement “political theater.”

Teachers at roughly 1,000 Arizona schools held “walk-ins,” in which educators rallied outside their schools before morning classes began on April 11.

Ducey’s message to those teachers is, “I heard you guys,” Maricopa County School Superintendent Steve Watson said.

“I think it was a great mobilization and movement by the teachers, and it wasn’t just teachers,” Watson said. “It was community members. My kids wore red to school on Wednesdays to show their support and gratitude for teachers. So I think it was the teachers’ ability not just to mobilize themselves, but the entire community.”

Even if education advocates do get on board with Ducey’s proposal, there’s still a chance that lawmakers could tweak the plans as they hash out the state budget.

Public education advocates bemoan school money still not enough

Education issues captured much of the attention this legislative session, but public school advocates say they’re disappointed with the outcome.

It’s hard to argue the budget doesn’t focus on education when much of the new spending focuses on K-12 or university education initiatives. The fiscal year 2018 budget adds $163 million above inflation funding to schools.

Of the new K-12 funding, the biggest chunk, $38 million, went toward a performance pay program that critics say rewards wealthy schools that are already doing well. And, while Gov. Doug Ducey suggested a 0.4 percent pay increase for teachers for the next five years, the final budget included a 1 percent pay raise this fiscal year, followed by a promised 1 percent pay raise next year.

But for public education advocates, the spending wasn’t enough to alter the state’s school systems in any big way, and the money wasn’t prioritized in the right way.

Timothy Ogle
Timothy Ogle

“We missed a great opportunity to really help the teacher crisis,” said Timothy Ogle, director of the Arizona School Boards Association.

A 2 percent raise over two years won’t do enough to keep teachers in the classroom, critics say, which will continue an ongoing teacher shortage that left thousands of kids without a full-time teacher this year.

The low teacher-pay increase accompanied an expansion of the state’s voucher system that allows kids to use public money to attend private schools and a bill that dismantled the teacher certification system.

As a whole, Arizona Education Association President Joe Thomas said, the Legislature and governor favored private education and the wealthy instead of addressing the teacher shortage. The Legislature didn’t markedly improve the situation for teachers, but instead instituted multiple “trial balloons” for new, untested programs like performance pay, Thomas said.

“It was a swing and a miss entirely,” he said.

Ducey said he takes the criticisms from public education proponents to heart and agrees the state still isn’t doing enough to fund schools.

“If you looked at a word cloud of my State of the States or inaugurals or even my town hall visits around the state, you would see that I’m spending an overwhelming majority of my time on K-12 education,” Ducey said. “So I agree with them — they need more and we need more and I intend to provide more.”

But Ducey called the teacher certification overhaul the most underrated bill he signed this year and said it will allow “people with a lot of talent and experience” to come into Arizona classrooms and impart their wisdom to kids, despite their lack of formal teacher training.

School choice remains a priority for the Ducey administration as well, indicated in Ducey’s push for a universal voucher system that goes further than any other state in the nation. Enrollment in the program is capped for a few years, but public school advocates say it’s the first step toward upending public education. There’s already a referendum underway to repeal the expansion.

Ducey said parents know what’s best for their kids and should be able to decide if that means a neighborhood school or a private school.

“I want to be able to provide a public education to our public, and I think our agenda’s done that as good as anyone in the country,” he said.

The ongoing drumbeat for more money for public schools and teacher pay irked some lawmakers throughout the long, slow legislative session.

Sen. Sylvia Allen
Sen. Sylvia Allen

Sen. Sylvia Allen, R-Snowflake, took to the pages of The Arizona Republic, asking “when is it ever enough?” She highlighted the state spends more than half of its entire budget on education. And, she said, voters have said in the past they don’t want to increase taxes, so it’s unclear where they expect the state to get money to fund schools while addressing other needs like crumbling infrastructure and public safety.

“I understand as legislators we’re an easy target, but also please realize that we work hard every day to improve education in Arizona,” Allen wrote.

Others said the blame for low teacher pay fell on local school boards, who could have used money from last year’s Proposition 123 to give raises.

Joe Thomas, president of the Arizona Education Association, speaks at a press conference calling for increased public school funding on April 13. (Photo by Rachel Leingang, Arizona Capitol Times)
Joe Thomas, president of the Arizona Education Association, speaks at a press conference calling for increased public school funding on April 13. (Photo by Rachel Leingang, Arizona Capitol Times)

Thomas called the comments uninformed and disrespectful of teachers, and said lawmakers were taking no responsibility for their role in funding schools.

“They’ve dropped the ball on this for a decade, that’s why they keep hearing it,” Thomas said.

Still, what adequately funding schools looks like is an open question, Ogle said. But it’s clear to many that the idea doesn’t rest in gimmicks or ballot propositions and should instead fall on lawmakers to find a “dedicated, sustainable revenue stream” to support public education, Ogle said.

School districts, lawmakers clash over teacher pay

A woman holds a sign that reads "Gov. Ducey... is this what you had in mind when you mandated the civics exam?". She joined thousands of protesters at Chase Field before marching to the Arizona Capitol on April 26. (Photo by Katie Campbell/Arizona Capitol Times)
A woman who holds a sign joined thousands of protesters at Chase Field before marching to the Arizona Capitol on April 26. (Photo by Katie Campbell/Arizona Capitol Times)

Arizona lawmakers, roundly criticized this year over poorly funded public schools, want to make one thing clear: They’re not the ones responsible for giving teachers raises.

“We don’t set teacher pay. That’s a district decision,” House Speaker J.D. Mesnard, R-Chandler, said in April. “We’re in the resource business.”

Both statements are technically true. For nearly four decades, Arizona legislators have mostly avoided meddling in the affairs of local school districts, where governing boards, superintendents and principals are given autonomy to spend the funding they receive from the state as they see fit.

That’s not by mistake. Arizona state statute clearly spells out the nature of how the state funds K-12 public schools. A section labeled “purpose” adopted in 1980 details that before, Arizona legislators were responsible for allocating revenues for specific programs such as special education or transportation to individual schools districts.

Instead, the state adopted a block grant system that provides school districts a lump sum, a pot of money that covers a school’s operating expenses. It’s up to district leaders to decide how much of that lump sum is needed for each expense.

And so it has been, at least until the last two years. As the debate over school funding peaked  at the Capitol, beginning in 2017 and culminating in a historic teacher strike in May, some Republicans have expressed an interest in taking a more active role in dictating how dollars are spent in school districts.

Led by Gov. Doug Ducey a year ago, the state budget included a line item that bypassed the authority of local school officials to legislate roughly $34 million be spent on teacher pay.

The results were disastrous, and Ducey has since backed away from that maneuver. But as criticism continues to mount against Republican lawmakers, some are still angling for more say in local school spending matters.

Local control

A part of the problem is messaging. Ducey in April turned the budget upside down by proposing a 20 percent pay raise for Arizona teachers by 2020. The plan was marketed by the Governor’s Office and by Republican lawmakers as a spending package to boost teacher salaries.

But the nature of how schools are funded in Arizona means Ducey, nor any lawmaker, can legislate such a raise into being. It’s local governing boards that decide how to divy up the lump sum of state funding, and the $272 million is simply another part of that pot of money.

Chuck Essigs, a lobbyist for the Arizona Association of School Business Officials, said that was purposefully designed for two reasons. Arizona has traditionally favored “local control,” a belief that decision-making is best left to those who know best — local leaders at a level closest to where the decisions will have an impact.

“It had a lot to do with local control, but also — and this was never stated or written anywhere — but it allowed the legislature to not have to get into a fight over how the money’s being spent,” Essigs said of the funding formula adopted in 1980. “Now basically the Legislature can say, ‘That’s on your local governing board.’”

That’s exactly how Ducey and lawmakers responded in 2017, when criticism over school funding first began to peak.

Looking for a scapegoat, the governor accused school officials for the woes of Arizona teachers, whose average salary is among the lowest in the nation. Ducey claimed the problem was that school administrators weren’t budgeting properly, not that the state wasn’t giving districts sufficient funding.

The governor doubled down on that narrative with a Republican-approved budget deal that included a line item for teacher pay raises, a maneuver that bypassed the state’s budget formula for funding K-12 schools.

The plan flopped. School officials rightfully recognized the unreliableness of that funding mechanism. And while they followed the legislative directive to provide the money to teachers, they distributed those dollars as bonuses or stipends, not a raise.

That way, if the Legislature’s desire to fund the line item for higher teacher pay waned, schools wouldn’t be left holding the bag for higher salaries.

Teachers didn’t buy into Ducey’s narrative, either, Essigs said.

“(School officials) can’t spend money that doesn’t exist,” he said. “I think that’s what really changed, and that’s why 50,000 teachers went to the Legislature.”

Intent

In January, Ducey was already showing signs of change after chastising local school leaders the year before. His State of the State address praised school officials, and his proposed budget eliminated the line item funding mechanism, opting instead to fold the “raise” of 2017 into the funding formula for schools.

Future raises as part of Ducey’s plan to boost teacher pay 20 percent by 2020 will be funded through the formula as well, ensuring they’re protected from the whims of state lawmakers and boosted each year to adjust for inflation.

That meant giving up the legislative authority to dictate how the additional money for teacher pay is spent.

The budget includes a legislative intent clause, which states that lawmakers want the $272 million in Ducey’s plan in fiscal year 2019 to go to teacher pay. But there’s legally nothing to stop a school district from spending the money elsewhere, if it’s needed.

Ken Hicks, chief finance officer at Peoria Unified School District, said in April that despite the realities of state law, most school officials will try to honor the will of the Legislature.

“We normally try to follow laws and follow intent and follow funding,” Hicks said. “As business people in schools, we follow anything.”

At least one school district is carving a different path. Tucson Unified School District Superintendent Gabriel Trujillo told the Arizona Daily Star he’ll spread the money around to give raises not just for teachers, but all “educators,” including support staff and even janitorial workers.

That means teachers at TUSD won’t get the 9 percent raise that Ducey promised.

That’s why lawmakers like Warren Petersen, a Republican senator from Gilbert, wanted more than just legislative intent.

“There’s a narrative right now that the Legislature dictates teacher salaries and how much money goes to teacher salaries,” he said. “That is not the case.” But if that’s what people want to believe, “then maybe it is time for the Legislature to do what people think is already the case and dictate salaries.”

War

Along with Republican Sens. Steve Smith, Judy Burges and Sonny Borrelli, Petersen lobbied for language with more teeth. Intent was not enough, they said, to ensure the money would be spent by local officials as the Legislature saw fit.

Petersen said he doesn’t want to take away the executory functions of superintendents to make decisions at the local level, but given the circumstances — the teacher strike — he wanted to go further to make sure those dollars get into teachers’ pockets.

“The battle for teacher pay was won at the Capitol, but the war has to be won at the school districts,” he said, adding that TUSD is a perfect example of how that war may be lost. “The ultimate accountability is the voters of the TUSD. If the voters are OK with using money that was tagged for teacher pay for other things, and heaven forbid admin costs, that’s where the buck stops.”

Essigs said the war is already over. Enough legislators acknowledged the problem is funding provided by the state, not the decisions of local school officials.

And in Tucson, where the superintendent is bucking the Legislature’s intent while the ink on the budget is still drying, educators seem fine with the decision.

Democratic Sen. David Bradley, whose district includes parts of TUSD, said a recent trip to a TUSD kindergarten class leads him to believe that the school employees are OK with sharing the money allocated for teacher pay with other school staffers.

The teacher introduced Bradley to multiple school personnel who aren’t defined as a teacher by Ducey, and therefore wouldn’t benefit from the additional funds intended for teachers if TUSD officials followed the legislative intent.

Their response underscores the message from the #RedforEd movement, which wasn’t solely about teacher pay, Bradley said — it was about better funding for all sorts of educators.

“My initial sense is that because that was kind’ve the talking point, the fact that the superintendent is kind’ve heading in this direction, there seems to be some acceptance of that,” Bradley said.

Senate panel approves per diem bump for lawmakers

A proposal to more than triple daily allowances for lawmakers from far-flung counties cleared a key legislative hurdle on Monday.

The Senate Government Committee approved the bill sponsored by Sen. Sonny Borrelli, a Lake Havasu City Republican who lives roughly 200 miles from the Capitol and said he’s seen his Phoenix rent double during his eight years in office. 

“Rural Arizona, we’re out of pocket,” Borrelli said. “If we want to encourage future legislators to come in after we’re gone, we have to make sure they can afford to do it.” 

File photo of Rep. Sonny Borrelli, R-Lake Havasu City (Cronkite News Service Photo by Jessica Boehm)
Sen. Sonny Borrelli, R-Lake Havasu City (Cronkite News Service)

Lawmakers cannot vote themselves a raise — any increases to their $24,000 annual salaries must be approved by voters, who routinely reject legislative pay raises. Voters have seen 18 ballot measures on legislative raises since 1972, but only approved two. The last successful pay increase was in 1998. 

Sen. Juan Mendez, D-Tempe, the only committee member to vote against the measure, said legislative pay is “insulting,” but hiking per diem is not the appropriate way to handle it. 

“This is the wrong way to be addressing the problem,” Mendez said. “I would hate for this to pass and everyone to think this solves our problem.” 

Rural lawmakers now receive $60 daily, compared to a $35 allowance for in-county lawmakers. That’s on top of their $24,000 salary and reimbursement for travel to and from the Capitol. 

Per diem rates drop dramatically after the 120th day of session, to $10 for Valley representatives and $20 for rural ones, as an incentive to get lawmakers out of the Capitol. Borrelli’s bill would eliminate the requirement that per diem rates plummet late in session. 

As introduced, the bill would tie per diem rates for both rural and Maricopa County lawmakers to the average annual rate for federal employees traveling to Maricopa County. Rural lawmakers would receive the full rate, now set at about $189, while in-county legislators would get 30% of that sum — now about $57.

That’s a much smaller allowance for in-county lawmakers than provided for in a bill Gov. Doug Ducey vetoed at the end of last session, which would have raised allowances for Maricopa County legislators to nearly $100 per day. In his veto message, Ducey said there was “a strong case to be made” for giving rural lawmakers more, and that any changes should be made after the 2020 election. 

Borrelli amended his bill during Monday’s committee hearing to keep the rate for Maricopa County lawmakers at $35 per day. His amendment, and the bill itself, still must be approved by the full Senate. 

Rural lawmakers run their cars into the ground every few years and struggle to make rent, Borrelli said. Sen. Victoria Steele, D-Tucson, said she rented a room from a family in 2018 and shared a bathroom with their teenage son, but paid $200 more in rent in Phoenix this year so she wouldn’t have to continue sharing a bathroom with a stranger. 

“I’m living on ramen soup,” she said. “I don’t want you to feel sorry for me. I love this work.” 

If passed, the bill would take effect on  Jan. 10, 2021, rather than the general effective date, complying with feedback from Ducey’s veto of last year’s attempt to hike per diems

Borrelli’s bill enjoys wide support in the Senate, where a bipartisan group of 20 lawmakers have signed their names to it. But Senate President Karen Fann, R-Prescott, is not among them.

Fann said she cautioned senators against pushing for an increase for Maricopa County lawmakers. 

“I told them all, ‘You saw what the governor wrote last year when he vetoed that bill, so if you want to get a different answer then you better do something different and listen to what he said,’” she said.