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Agency appointees could see repeat of 2023 Senate confirmation discord

Gov. Katie Hobbs’ nominees for state agencies face an uncertain future after Senate Republicans announced last week that they will continue the same process used to confirm nominees in 2023. 

After Republicans strengthened their majorities in both the House and Senate this election cycle, Sen. Warren Petersen was reelected Senate President and subsequently reappointed Sen. Jake Hoffman to head the Committee on Director Nominations. 

Known as DINO, the committee was created in 2023 to vet and confirm Hobbs’ appointees, but quickly created friction between Hobbs’ office and the Senate, leading the governor to pull her nominees from consideration. What followed was a year-long battle involving a lawsuit and eventual agreement in August to resubmit the nominees for consideration.

Martín Quezada, a former state senator who was nominated by Hobbs to serve as the director of the Registrar of Contractors, was part of a contentious DINO hearing in 2023 before being rejected by the committee and eventually withdrawn from consideration. Quezada said he “wasn’t surprised, but definitely disappointed” to find out that Hoffman would be returning as the committee’s chair. 

“I wasn’t surprised that he’s going to be brought back to lead that committee, or that they’re going to be doing that again,” Quezada said. “I mean, it’s pretty typical of the Republican agenda.” 

Barrett Marson, a Republican consultant, said he thinks the nomination process will be much smoother now that Hobbs and Senate Republicans have come to an agreement to replace three of her appointees. However, he doesn’t think all of the nominees will have an easy go of it.

“There are legitimate issues that some of these director nominees should answer to,” Marson said, referring to recent issues like the Housing Department losing $2 million to a scam and the deaths of children in the care of the Department of Child Services.

Quezada isn’t as optimistic, and said the resubmitted nominees should expect “the same circus that I went through,” during his confirmation hearing. Hoffman and other members of the committee accused Quezada of antisemitism during his 2023 hearing and grilled him over his political views, despite the fact that Quezada was up for a job at a relatively nonpolitical agency. 

“I’ve got a lot of disappointment with Governor Hobbs about a lot of things, but she’s appointed qualified people to do good work in these agencies, myself included in that mix,” Quezada said. “[Senate Republicans] have zero qualifications to judge any of us for any of those positions.”

As of publication, the full roster of the DINO committee has not been released. A spokeswoman for the Senate Democrats said Sens. Flavio Bravo and Analise Ortiz will represent the minority party on the committee, but it’s unclear which Republicans will round out the group. 

Ortiz, who made the leap from the House to the Senate in this year’s election, said she and Bravo are focused on “being as fair as possible to these nominees,” and it was disappointing to see how the process played out in 2023.

“The fact that [Hoffman] is continuing to obstruct Governor Hobbs’ nominees, when the people of Arizona fairly elected her and trusted her to do the job, really shows in my mind that he does not have any interest in doing what is best for the people of Arizona,” Ortiz said. 

In 2023, the nomination process was derailed when Republican senators, Hoffman chief among them, began asking nominees politically loaded questions that often did not pertain to the position they were interviewing for. After Joan Serviss, nominee for the Arizona Department of Housing, was rejected due to accusations of plagiarism made by Hoffman, Hobbs withdrew the remaining nominees from consideration. 

Hobbs then appointed her director of operations as head of each department until he hired her nominees as “executive deputy directors,” allowing them to run the agencies without confirmation from the Legislature. State law says gubernatorial nominees can serve for up to one year without confirmation, but Republicans in the Legislature sued Hobbs, saying the move to circumvent the DINO committee was unlawful. 

Hobbs and Senate Republicans entered into an agreement to end the lawsuit in August and finish the nomination process before the Legislature adjourns in 2025. As part of that agreement, Hobbs withdrew the nominations of David Lujan to the Department of Child Services, Dana Allmond to the Department of Veterans Services and Karen Peters to the Department of Environmental Quality. 

Those three were demoted to deputy directors and replaced by appointed interim directors. Sixteen nominees were resubmitted, but some of them previously saw pushback from the DINO committee. 

Serviss, who was rejected by DINO, was resubmitted, as was Elizabeth Thorson of the Department of Administration. Thorson was held from consideration after Republicans on the committee accused her of being evasive when answering questions during a hearing.

In a statement released after he was reappointed chairman of DINO, Hoffman called Hobbs’ maneuvering an “illegal ploy” and accused her of not taking the Senate confirmation process seriously.

“The committee invites Katie Hobbs to come to the table with sane, nonpartisan, qualified nominees, and we will approve them,” Hoffman said in the statement. “What we won’t do is rubberstamp unqualified radicals.”

Hoffman did not respond to questions from the Arizona Capitol Times about whether there were any specific nominees that would have a difficult time before the committee.

As for the reason why nominees with fractious histories with the committee were resubmitted, Hobbs’ Communications Director Christian Slater told the Arizona Capitol Times that only Lujan, Allmond and Peters were named as sticking points for Senate Republicans. Slater said questions about other nominees would have to be directed to the Senate.

Hobbs said in September that the agreement was made with the “current Senate leadership,” but that there would be a new Senate in January 2025, hinting at her hope that Democrats would take control of the body. Hobbs’ office declined to comment on Hoffman’s return as DINO chair.

Marson said Democrats have to take a bit of responsibility for the fact that the confirmation process will be a repeat of 2023.

“A little bit of this is on the Democrats for failing at the ballot box,” Marson said. 

Quezada said he will always hope that things will go smoothly, but said Hobbs should probably consider what avenues she can pursue if there is a repeat of the 2023 nomination process. 

“These agencies need to have leadership, they need to have stability.” Quezada said. “With the process that the Senate laid out now, we’re depriving all of Arizona of that stability and of that leadership and that’s a recipe for disaster. So she has to do something. I don’t know what it is, but I think that she should reexamine all of her options right now.”

Bradshaw campaign drama heats up race for north Phoenix swing district

Republicans and Democrats are battling for one House seat in a north Phoenix swing district that will help determine which party controls the chamber in the next legislative session.

Legislative District 2 is currently represented by Rep. Justin Wilmeth, R-Phoenix; and Rep. Judy Schwiebert, D-Phoenix. Schwiebert is running for state Senate in the district, leaving her House seat to be filled by a newcomer to the Legislature. 

Wilmeth, the House Commerce Committee chairman, is running for re-election on a slate with Republican Ari Bradshaw, a former president of North Valley Young Republicans.

The two Republicans are running against Democrat Stephanie Simacek, a governing board member of Deer Valley Unified School District. Simacek is running as a single-shot candidate, although business owner Tom Simes is running as an independent in the district. 

Democrats are spending considerable money to hold onto their seat in the district.  Recent campaign finance reports filed for the Oct. 15 third quarter deadline indicate Simacek raised $175,000 during the quarter and more than $350,000 over the election cycle.

Bradshaw raised $66,000 during the quarter and brought in just under $200,000 in total, while Wilmeth raised $150,000 during the election cycle and just under $60,000 during the recent quarter. 

One of Simacek’s main priorities is education – she has experience working as a public school teacher and a substitute teacher at Deer Valley. 

“I’ve seen first hand what teachers are going through,” Simacek said in a Sept. 21 video posted on X. “Overcrowded classrooms, lack of funding, having to use their own personal funds to make sure that their children have a good learning experience – and this is just unacceptable.”

Political consultant Barrett Marson said Wilmeth has an incumbent advantage and is likely a lock for re-election in the district. The race for the second House seat will likely come down to Simacek and Bradshaw. 

The district leans Republican with a near 4% vote spread favoring GOP candidates, according to the Arizona Independent Redistricting Commission. 

Schwiebert got the most House votes in the district in her 2022 general election race, finishing ahead of Wilmeth by about 2% of votes. 

The seat is crucial for Democrats in their goal to flip Republicans’ one-seat majority in the state House. For Republicans, the seat would be insurance as Democrats are targeting Republican seats in other districts, including LD17 and LD23. 

“There are a couple of districts where a House vote can go one way or another,” said lobbyist Barry Aarons. 

Bradshaw has received negative attention from both Democrats and Republicans on the campaign trail. 

The Arizona Republic reported on Oct. 5 that Bradshaw attempted to visit Simacek at her home at 7 a.m. after she didn’t participate in a Clean Elections Commission debate. Bradshaw was the only LD2 participant during that debate and posted on X that Simacek wasn’t at the home he visited after he was informed by her ex-husband that they separated. 

Bradshaw also made an enemy of Sen. Wendy Rogers, R-Flagstaff, during the primary election campaign after he spoke out against her running mate Steven Slaton’s alleged stolen valor. He also accused Slaton of making racist remarks toward Rep. David Marshall, R-Snowflake, leading to Rogers posting a screenshot of an anonymous text exchange accusing Bradshaw of selling fentanyl.

“He’s made a name for himself, good or bad,” Marson said. 

Bradshaw denied the accusation that he has sold fentanyl and criticized the rhetoric of Rogers during his Clean Elections appearance. He called her a “sick human being,” referencing her association with far-right conservative commentator Nick Fuentes, who has made several anti-Semitic and white supremacist remarks that led to a permanent YouTube channel ban.

“This extremism needs to be stamped out,” Bradshaw said. “The Republican Party under people such as that is becoming a distorted version of what it should be and what it needs to be under the next generation.”

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Youngkin Virginia victory lesson for Arizona GOP?

Virginia Gov.-elect Glenn Youngkin arrives to speak at an election night party in Chantilly, Va., early Wednesday, Nov. 3, 2021, after he defeated Democrat Terry McAuliffe. (AP Photo/Andrew Harnik)

A win and a near-win on the other side of the country has some Arizona Republicans hoping they can replicate the same success here, if they make next year’s election about kitchen-table issues. 

“Come 2022, I’d rather have an R after my name than a D, because if that holds and you see Republicans gaining 10-point advantages, that’s significant,” said Republican consultant Barrett Marson. 

In Virginia – a state Democrats have won in the last four presidential elections – Republican gubernatorial candidate Glenn Youngkin beat Terry McAuliffe Ton November 2, becoming the first Republican governor elected in the Old Dominion since 2009. The GOP also picked up several legislative seats. 

And in New Jersey, which is even bluer than Virginia, Democratic Gov. Phil Murphy seems to be on track to keep his job, but by a close margin. Marson said if the sort of Democrat-to-Republican swing that Virginia and New Jersey saw is replicated nationally, “that turns a lot of blue seats across the country into Republican seats.” 

For Republicans who’d rather focus on bread-and-butter issues instead of relitigating the 2020 election, the results prove what they’ve been saying all along. 

“Glenn Youngkin cracked the code,” tweeted attorney Thomas Galvin. “Don’t indulge conspiracy theories. Talk about pocketbook issues. Listen to persuadable voters. Offer a message of optimism and convey a vision for the future. Arizona Republicans should take heed.” 

While Youngkin didn’t criticize former President Trump and seems to have kept Trump’s voters in his coalition, he didn’t tie himself too closely to Trump either and seems to have attracted new voters, making gains in suburbs that voted for Biden.  

Chuck Coughlin, a Republican lobbyist and the CEO and president of HighGround Inc., said Youngkin is a model of what Republicans have to do to be competitive. 

“It’s bearing the lie that Trump has tried to bolster his own popularity by claiming it was fraud so he can maintain his position in the party,” Coughlin said. “Well, it’s going to take courage on the part of some Republicans to lay that out, not by attacking him, but by showing another path to victory. That happened last night, at least in Virginia.” 

Coughlin said he tells candidates to “run your own narrative,” and pointed to Democratic U.S. Sens. Kyrsten Sinema and Mark Kelly as two Arizona politicians who seem to be doing a good job of that. 

“They are narrating their own narrative,” Coughlin said. “They’re doing that against the face of the extreme partisan positions of the extremists in the Democratic Party. Not really seeing that of the Republican Party lately, as it continues to be defined by Trump. Is this the beginning of a redefinition? Certainly, Youngkin’s campaign could be said of that.” 

Arizona is a much redder state than Virginia – Biden won it by about 10,000 votes, and was the first Democratic presidential candidate to do so since 1996. But the shadow of the last election could be harder to escape in Arizona, a state Trump and many of his supporters claim Biden won by fraud and where the state Senate has kept the focus on these claims with its audit of Maricopa County’s 2020 vote. Trump has already endorsed Kari Lake for governor and state Rep. Mark Finchem for secretary of state, both of whom have endorsed his claims that the 2020 election was stolen.  

Kari Lake (Photo by Gage Skidmore/Flickr)

“This is the beginning of the Red Tsunami that is sweeping America,” Lake said in a statement about Youngkin’s win. “Americans are rejecting racist curriculum, open borders, woke politics, and unconstitutional mandates. My Democrat opponent, Katie Hobbs, embodies all of this and is even more radical than Terry McAuliffe.” 

Democrats are also taking notice. Kirsten Engel, who is running for an open congressional seat in southern Arizona, sent out a fundraising email noting there were some “big wins” for Democrats in her part of the state on November 2, such as a minimum wage increase and Democratic City Council victories in Tucson and local school bonds and overrides passing. But, she said, she was disappointed with the outcome in Virginia. 

“Terry McAuliffe’s loss is a clear demonstration of just how difficult next year’s midterm election will be for Democrats,” Engel said. “Republicans across the country are now claiming the momentum has shifted, and their chances for retaking Congress have never been better.” 

Marson said he found it notable that Youngkin seems to have done so well in the suburbs, which trended Democratic during the Trump years, and especially with suburban women. 

“It appears that these suburbs were pretty instrumental for Youngkin, in that’s how he turned the vote around,” Marson said. “Arizona … Republicans have had, in the last couple elections, have had a suburban issue, and so if there’s anything that one can take away is the suburbs (and) suburban women may be moving back, may be responding to Republican campaigns differently than in the last couple of elections.” 

Marson said Youngkin’s focus on education was likely a big factor, as well as talking about jobs and the economy. He said he thinks Arizona is somewhat similar, although immigration is also a top-three issue here. Coughlin agreed that education, and specifically the issue of parental control over their kids’ schooling, was a winning issue for Youngkin. 

“McAuliffe walked right into his own buzzsaw, which Democrats often do, and which Republicans have been doing,” Coughlin said. “Making a cultural statement that, in any respect, parents aren’t in charge of their kids’ education is a death sentence for a statewide elected official.” 

Marson said the results show that a focus on specifics can work. 

“You can talk about policy, and you can get through to voters about what policy things you want to do,” he said. 

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