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Contentious GOP primary reveals Republicans’ latest party lines

Key Points:
  • Republicans face divisive primaries amid shifting political dynamics, voter makeup
  • Turning Point influence tested against independent voters’ growing electoral hold
  • Conservative incumbents battle fellow Republicans across multiple statewide races

Thirteen Republicans are vying for statewide office this year, but before they can take on their Democratic opponents, they’ll have to navigate increasingly contentious and fragmented primary challenges. 

There isn’t a single Republican running unopposed in a statewide primary this year, while most of the Democrats hoping to keep or flip those same seats will not face any meaningful competition within their own party. Even Republican incumbents have not been spared; three officeholders with proven conservative chops are facing challenges from the right. 

“That’s a Turning Point thing,” said Chuck Coughlin, a Republican-turned-independent consultant. “Are they going to be able to marshal Republican voters in opposition to fairly conservative candidates?”

Hanging over it all is diminished public support for President Donald Trump, his policies and the Republican Party as a whole. Each candidate is walking a delicate tight rope between supporting the president enough to win over an engaged GOP primary voter and keeping enough distance so as to not alienate Arizona’s growing bloc of independent voters. 

Some Republicans argue even Turning Point, the conservative youth organization founded in Arizona, might be losing its influence in the state after less than resounding results for TP-backed candidates in April’s Salt River Project Board elections. 

“Turning Point puts their money behind people, and that machine rolls, but it turns off the independent voters,” said Lisa Everett, the former chair of Legislative District 29 Republicans. “Since they are the ones that decide the elections in Arizona, we need to figure out how to court them.”

With the exception of the Republican primary for governor, GOP voters seem largely undecided about primary candidates in down-ballot statewide contests. Polling suggests that some of those candidates are unknown to the Republican electorate, even though most have held some form of elected office in Arizona. 

Governor

U.S. Congressman Andy Biggs speaking with attendees at the April 2026 “Build the Red Wall” rally at Dream City Church in Phoenix. (Gage Skidmore / Flickr)

Congressman Andy Biggs is widely viewed as the frontrunner in the GOP gubernatorial primary. His closest rival — fellow Congressman David Schweikert — is still behind by double-digits according to most polls and by several hundreds of thousands of dollars in fundraising. 

“I’m trying to unify the Republican Party right now to win this governor’s race,” Biggs told reporters when asked about Schweikert on May 5. “I don’t talk about my primary opponent, because the reality is, I’m staying focused on Governor (Katie) Hobbs, what she’s not doing and what she is doing, and I’m trying to bring that message out.”

Schweikert has maintained since he entered the race in October 2025 that Biggs cannot defeat Hobbs in the general election. 

U.S. Congressman David Schweikert speaking with attendees at the 2022 Legislative Forecast Luncheon hosted by the Arizona Chamber of Commerce & Industry at Chase Field in Phoenix. (Gage Skidmore / Flickr)

“The left is so giddy (and) wanting him to be the nominee because you see the polling, he can’t come within 10, 11 points of Katie Hobbs,” Schweikert told KTAR on May 7.

Everett endorsed Schweikert on social media for precisely that reason, though she knows her opinion is not widely shared among the conservative grassroots. 

“I attend lots of meetings, LD meetings, club meetings, council board meetings, etc. and what I am seeing is Republicans are coming up to me, and they’re whispering, ‘I’m supporting David Schweikert,’” Everett said. “They’re afraid to say it out loud, because the other candidates that are supported by these larger organizations are taking up all the oxygen in the room.”

One slight wrinkle in Schweikert’s election theory is that polling numbers actually show he’s doing worse than Biggs in the matchup against Hobbs. According to a February survey from local pollster Noble Predictive Insights, Biggs trailed Hobbs by five points among registered voters, while Schweikert trailed the governor by nine points. 

Biggs, the only candidate in the race with a Trump endorsement after Karrin Taylor Robson dropped out in February, doesn’t see the president’s support as a deterrent for voters.

“If I had an issue, I would just call (Trump) up and say, ‘Hey, what’s going on here?,’” Biggs told reporters on May 5. “… I think you need to have somebody in office as the governor here who can actually call up the president … I think those relationships are important, and I think they benefit the state.”

Secretary of State

State Rep. Alexander Kolodin, R-Scottsdale, speaking with attendees at a campaign rally for Andy Biggs for Governor at the Arizona Biltmore in Phoenix. (Gage Skidmore / Flickr)

Rep. Alex Kolodin, a state lawmaker and election attorney, was the first candidate to cut into the secretary of state’s race. But, he did so as rumors of a run by Gina Swoboda, chair of the Republican Party of Arizona and the Legislature’s election policy lead, started to swirl around the political sphere. 

Swoboda initially launched a campaign for the 1st Congressional District, but, in early February, she filed her statement of interest for the Secretary of State’s Office and pivoted her run. 

“I love the office so much, and I love the people in it, and I love the work,” Swoboda said. “And I’m sad by how politicized it’s become, and I’m sad at where I think it will go if this continues for another four years.”

Kolodin, with the endorsement of Turning Point Action, is angling his campaign at some election nerves frayed among his base. Along the campaign trail, Kolodin has focused on alleged noncitizen voting, championed the SAVE Act and pledged to cooperate with the federal government in granting access to state voter rolls.  

“When I’m elected the very first thing that we need to do is partner up with our friends in the federal government who have graciously offered to allow us to use their SAVE Act database to ensure that we don’t have noncitizens on our voter rolls,” Kolodin said in an interview with former U.S. Congressman Matt Gaetz. 

Gina Swoboda speaking with attendees at the Restoring National Confidence Summit at Planet Hollywood in Las Vegas, Nevada. (Gage Skidmore / Flickr)

Swoboda, meanwhile, aims to capture the growing sect of Arizona’s independent voters through a focus on policy and operations. 

“What I want to run on is transparency, accountability and competence. That’s all I want. And that’s what I think the voters want. I think that they are exhausted,” Swoboda said. “The last thing (people) need to worry about is what did the secretary of state do today? Why do people have to think about that?”

She expressed some doubt that Kolodin could win over the third of the state’s voters who have no declared party affiliation. And Swoboda stressed the need to work well across the state with officials in every corner on election administration, a skill she claimed her opponent lacked. 

Swoboda referenced the ongoing legal dispute between the Maricopa County Recorder and the Board of Supervisors as one example. 

“It’s a disaster. I got into the race because I don’t want that to happen on a statewide level,” Swoboda said. “It will dissolve into dysfunction and infighting, and the voters will not have confidence in the process. Nobody needs that.”

Attorney General

Senate President Warren Petersen and Rodney Glassman framed campaigns for the Attorney General’s Office as a matter of legal experience.

Rodney Glassman speaking with attendees at a campaign rally for Andy Biggs for Governor at the Arizona Biltmore in Phoenix. (Gage Skidmore / Flickr)

Glassman, a lieutenant colonel in the U.S. JAG Corps Reserve, former Tucson City Councilmember and longtime candidate for office — with past runs for the Arizona Corporation Commission, Maricopa County assessor and the U.S. Senate, as a Democrat — claims he is the only candidate who has ever practiced law, taken on a client or prosecuted someone in court.

“My primary opponent is a termed-out career politician, a part time Realtor, and received his law license less than 28 months ago,” Glassman said. “He’s never had a client. He’s never prosecuted a criminal, and he doesn’t even carry professional liability insurance, aka, he doesn’t practice law. He’s never practiced law.”

Petersen was licensed to practice law in 2023, though he passed the bar in 2020. And he corrected Glassman, noting he is not yet termed out from the Senate. 

State Senate President Warren Petersen speaking with attendees at a campaign rally for Andy Biggs for Governor at the Arizona Biltmore in Phoenix. (Gage Skidmore / Flickr)

Petersen claimed he is the most experienced person in the race, pointing to his part in a swell of litigation from the Legislature to defend public laws Attorney General Kris Mayes left by the wayside. 

“We basically set up a mini Solicitor General’s Office here at the Senate,” Petersen said. 

More significantly, Petersen pointed to Glassman’s past history of switching parties and continuing to pursue election as a downside. 

“The people, they’re tired of him running for office. If you run twice and lose twice, normal people quit,” Petersen said. “If you run more than twice and you keep running, I think you’re achieving sociopath level.”

Support and endorsement is currently split among both candidates.

Glassman has courted support from Congressman Paul Gosar, Superintendent of Public Instruction Tom Horne, Maricopa County Sheriff Jerry Sheridan, and former Senate President Karen Fann. 

Petersen meanwhile has shored up support withCongressman Biggs, a slate of Republican state lawmakers and Idaho and West Virginia’s attorneys general. 

During Trump’s recent visit to the state, he declined to dole out any formal endorsement, but he did give Petersen a shoutout from the stage. And when Gosar voiced his support for Glassman, it drew a mixed reaction from the crowd. 

Superintendent of Public Instruction

The Arizona Freedom Caucus and Turning Point Action placed veteran incumbent Superintendent of Public Instruction Tom Horne in its crosshairs early on, recruiting outgoing Treasurer Kimberly Yee to oust him from office. 

Arizona Superintendent of Public Instruction Tom Horne speaking with attendees at the 2024 Legislative Forecast Luncheon hosted by the Arizona Chamber of Commerce & Industry at Chase Field in Phoenix. (Gage Skidmore / Flickr)

Horne is keeping his messaging on improving academics across education and is hoping voters will keep him around for another four years to finish what he set out to do at the start of his term. 

He pointed to the department’s Project Momentum, which lifted 80% of schools in the bottom 5% for academic performance to a higher bar. 

“That’s an eight-year job, not a four-year job,” Horne said. “I want to finish the job. If the voters were to switch horses after four years, somebody else would start all over again and it would never get done.” 

Horne is continuing his crusade against critical race theory, diversity, equity and inclusion and “woke ideology” as well. And in that vein, he did not have much to say about his opponent, other than claiming she had served on a Diversity, Equity and Inclusion Committee for the National Association of State Treasurers. 

Yee denies serving on any DEI committee and went so far as to send a cease and desist letter. 

State Treasurer Kimberly Yee speaking with attendees at the “Rally to Protect Our Elections” hosted by Turning Point Action at Arizona Federal Theatre in Phoenix. (Gage Skidmore / The Star News Network)

In her own campaign, Yee claims academic performance has not improved significantly under Horne. 

“He’s had four years, and those numbers have not changed,” Yee said. “I see complete chaos in the Department of Education when it comes to management. I also see a real non-presence of this current superintendent with respect to his role as a statewide official.” 

The two must also contend with the Empowerment Scholarship Account program, a live wire for Republicans staunch on supporting school choice, which has formed significant party lines surrounding the issue of ensuring there’s no misspending, fraud or abuse in the program. 

Horne maintains the department is continuing to finetune its oversight of the program. 

Meanwhile, Yee, in her role as state treasurer, recently put out a request for information to assess the field of financial vendors. She stopped short of wading into any policy questions for the program, though, claiming the specifics are better left to the Legislature. 

“We have a superintendent of public instruction who has exceeded that authority and has gone beyond what an administrator is required to do by the law,” Yee said. “And if there ever is a question of administration or properties of educational definitions, those really need to be brought back to the Legislature.”

Corporation Commission

Corporation Commissioners Nick Myers and Kevin Thompson are not exactly known as moderate Republicans. But that did not stop the Arizona Free Enterprise Club and the state’s Freedom Caucus from recruiting two state lawmakers to run against them in the Republican primary. 

That challenge lost a bit of steam recently, with former Rep. David Marshall ending his bid for the commission to accept a new role as Navajo County recorder. Marshall’s exit leaves Rep. Ralph Heap, R-Mesa, to fend for himself against the two incumbents.

State Rep. Ralph Heap, R-Mesa, speaking with attendees on the floor of the Arizona House of Representatives on opening day of the 57th legislature in Phoenix. (Gage Skidmore / Flickr)

“If you have two people on the commission that have similar ideas in terms of how to produce energy and what we need to do, that’s a stronger position,” Heap said. “So that does weaken the message I have and that’s frustrating.”

Heap’s main message is that Myers and Thompson have not done enough to end “Green New Deal” policies at the state’s utility companies, nor have they done enough to support Trump’s coal-centric energy priorities. 

“We need to immediately adopt the principles that are in the Trump energy agenda, which are continuing with reliable, affordable fossil fuels, and then move towards nuclear energy as fast as we possibly can.” Heap said.

This combination photo features Arizona Corporation Commissioners Kevin Thompson (left) and Nick Myers. (Photos by Gage Skidmore)

Myers and Thompson say they have done exactly what they set out to do, pointing to their votes to repeal the energy efficiency and renewable energy requirements past commissions imposed on utilities. 

“We’ve delivered the promises that we campaigned on the first time, which was to eliminate the Green New Deal, eliminate mandates and subsidies,” Thompson said. 

Myers noted that the pair is in favor of an “all of the above” approach to energy generation, though they believe natural gas is far more affordable and reliable than solar or wind. The two also said they have done everything in their power to cut the fat out of utility budgets in rate cases, though they know customers are still struggling with high bills.

“We’ve been saving as much money as we possibly can and trying to keep those rate increases as low as we can, but we’re fighting an uphill battle when it comes to the weather and the things that we don’t have control over,” Myers said. 

The duo said they are more focused on the general election than defeating Heap in the primary.

“We’re just going to continue focusing on things that got us here, and talk about the great things the commission has done over the last three years and hope that the people of Arizona see that and decide they want to keep us in place,” Thompson said.

Treasurer

Katherine Haley, president of the State Board of Education, lodged her challenge against Elijah Norton, former treasurer for the AZGOP, late in the game, with an endorsement from sitting Treasurer Kimberly Yee in tow. 

Norton has painted himself as the candidate with the most relevant experience. Besides guarding the AZGOP coffers, he founded and currently serves as president of Veritas Global Protection Services, an international vehicle insurance company. 

“I don’t just have business experience. I also have experience investing money,” Norton said. “And that’s literally the treasurer’s job, the chief Banking and Investment Officer of Arizona.”

He said Haley was a “nice person” but doubted her ability to manage the state’s $32 billion in assets. 

“I always use the example of the Treasurer’s Office being like an airplane. Do you want someone flying a $32 billion airplane from Phoenix to Australia who’s never set foot in a cockpit before?” Norton said. “Or do you want a veteran person that has proven experience piloting that flight?”

Haley is leaning on her background in public service to make her case to voters and pointed to her experience on the State Board of Education overseeing district budgets and the Empowerment Scholarship Account program. 

“It’s about the mentality of service. It’s focused on Arizona taxpayers and what they need, rather than personal interest,” Haley said. “My opponent has a life career in sales, and I think that is just a different skillset than one that is focused on Arizona taxpayers.” 

Norton noted, though, as the two have convened at legislative district meetings that straw polls have swung in his favor. 

At the Legislative District 27 meeting on May 12, Norton said a straw poll yielded 68 votes for him and four votes for Haley. 

“When people actually get into the weeds, and they listen to us talk about policy. There’s an obvious dichotomy, that she does not have the experience,” Norton said. 

Trump-backed CD1 candidate defends war with Iran in PBS debate

Key Points
  • 2 of 3 CD1 GOP candidates make pitches for Northeast Valley voters
  • 2 Democrats also making a bid for the generally Republican district
  • Former NFL player Jay Feely is the biggest fundraiser

Primary battles are starting to shape up in Arizona’s 1st Congressional District as both parties search for a nominee to replace U.S. Rep. David Schweikert. 

Republican candidates Jay Feely and John Trobough traded verbal barbs on May 5 in a “Conversation with Candidates” event hosted by Arizona PBS. According to the station, former state Rep. Joe Chaplik was scheduled to participate, but declined earlier in the day.

For both participating candidates, it was an opportunity to present themselves to the wide-ranging audience of the Northeast Valley district, a place where Republican voters have consistently chosen Schweikert for more than a decade. 

President Donald Trump has endorsed Feely, a former NFL kicker and CBS Sports football commentator. Trobough, a defense and technology business executive, entered the race having worked as a nonpartisan White House Presidential Innovation Fellow in both Trump’s first administration and former President Barack Obama’s administration. 

While Feely and Trobough held similar positions on several issues during their conversation, they did differ in their views on the Iran war. Feely supported Trump’s actions and said the world was in a better place because of the U.S. involvement, despite the increase in gas prices that have occurred since the war. 

“(Trump) took action that was in the best interest to protect our country, even though it wasn’t in his own best interest short term,” Feely said. 

Trobough instead appealed to the expertise of the White House, saying it acted with information that others, including himself, do not have on Iran. Even still, the former White House fellow said the timing of the war was unfortunate for Republicans who had just broadly campaigned on an “America First” platform.

“Right now, this is not sustainable for the globe or for this nation,” Trobough said. 

Feely also took shots at Chaplik for not attending the PBS event, calling him “No show Joe.” And, shortly after the event, his campaign began sponsoring the opposition website noshowjoechaplik.com that highlighted Chaplik as having the worst attendance among Republicans during his time as a state legislator. 

Chaplik responded to Feely’s attacks in a May 6 post on X where he explained he missed eight days of the legislative session last year after his mother died and said that he wasn’t interested in attending a debate with a “leftist moderator and a tiny left-wing audience.” 

“It was an unforced error for Chaplik not to show up,” said Matt Kenney, a Republican consultant who is working with Trobough’s campaign. “The majority of voters are undecided, so why would you miss an opportunity to share your message with the district?”

After CD1 voters chose both Trump and U.S. Sen. Ruben Gallego in 2024, Kenny said the district’s voters might want a more independent thinker in office who answers to them rather than someone who answers to DC or a special interest group. He said Trobough’s defense and technology background will remain attractive for CD1 voters and business leaders as Chaplik and Feely battle it out over Trump’s base.

CD1 covers northeast Phoenix, Scottsdale, Paradise Valley, Cave Creek and Fountain Hills. It is a heavily targeted district for both Republicans and Democrats, and it will likely be one of the most competitive House races in the nation this campaign season.

Still, a Republican candidate will have to survive a primary election where middle-leaning voters typically don’t show up, said political consultant Chuck Coughlin. He added that the Trump endorsement could be enough on its own to carry Feely to a primary win.

“I don’t have any reason to believe the Trump endorsement isn’t a trump card in a Republican primary,” Coughlin said.

Feely has the largest war chest among Republican candidates with more than $1.2 million total cash on hand for his campaign, according to federal campaign finance data. Feely raised almost $750,000 during the last quarterly campaign finance period. Trobough had just under $400,000 in the bank while Chaplik had over $265,000 in available campaign funds. 

Contenders for the Democratic primary nomination are also starting to form after the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee announced it was backing former broadcast journalist Marlene Galán-Woods. 

The DCCC added Galán-Woods to its “Red to Blue” program, which the committee describes as a highly competitive program that arms “top tier” candidates with organizational and fundraising support. 

Galán-Woods and former state Rep. Amish Shah are both rerunning in this year’s primary after Shah’s CD1 Democratic primary win in 2024. Shah emerged out of a six-candidate race but lost to Schweikert. Galán-Woods finished third in the previous primary and lost to Shah by just more than 2% of votes. 

“Arizonans already know Marlene Galán-Woods as a trusted voice who spent 20 years in broadcast journalism speaking truth to power, telling their stories, and advocating for hardworking people. She is the common-sense fighter Arizonans deserve to cut through the noise, push back against extremists, and get things done,” DCCC Chair Suzan DelBene said in a statement.

According to April quarterly campaign finance reports, Galán-Woods outraised her Democratic opponents in the recent quarter with $438,000 in the period. Democrat Jonathan Treble, the founder of the smart amenities company WithMe, raised just over $400,000 during the quarter while Shah fundraised nearly $250,000. Treble has the most cash on hand of all candidates with $1.6 million. 

“Elites in Washington should not be meddling in this race,” Shah said in a statement. “This election will be decided by Arizona voters, not by establishment insiders in back rooms. Right now, Arizonans want new leaders with the courage to fight back against Trump and MAGA Republicans’ lawlessness and stop their assault on our democracy and healthcare.”

Coughlin’s consulting firm HighGround Public Affairs Consultants in February polled Shah to be leading Galán-Woods by more than 20%, although about half of respondents said they were still undecided.

“It just shows you how institutional the party is. They’re not watching what’s going on locally. Coughlin said of the DCCC’s endorsement. “Marlene is a fairly prolific fundraiser and she’s an attractive candidate. I just don’t happen to think she’s going to win.”

GOP budget close: Kavanagh claims party is less than two weeks from proposal

Key Points:
  • Republicans say they are close to a state budget proposal 
  • Negotiations occurring amid ongoing bill moratorium by Gov. Katie Hobbs
  • A Prop.123 extension hangs in the balance

Republican negotiators say they’re close to sending the governor a state budget, signalling a potential end to Gov. Katie Hobbs’ recent bill moratorium.

Out of frustration and with no budget in hand, Hobbs declared on April 13 that she would reject any measure that made it to her desk until Republican lawmakers delivered her a proposal. That challenge was echoed by her spokesman Christian Slater, who again demanded a budget on April 21 — the 100th day of the legislative session. 

“It has been a month since Governor Hobbs called on legislators to show their budget to the public, and Republican leadership has given Arizonans nothing but evasive answers and empty promises about their budget proposal,” Slater said in a prepared statement. “It’s time for Republican leadership to show the people of Arizona their plans and come back to the negotiating table to pass a bipartisan and balanced budget.”

Now, less than two weeks after that announcement, GOP leaders say they are close to a plan.

Senate Appropriations, Transportation and Technology Committee Vice Chairman John Kavanagh, R-Fountain Hills, told the Arizona Capitol Times that it could come within the next “week or two,” although he said he wouldn’t be surprised if what’s proposed is vetoed by the governor. 

“This is an offer we’re making to her. Short of lacing the tower water supply of psychedelic drugs, we expect there will be some changes,” Kavanagh said.

Last week, Senate Pro Tempore T.J. Shope, R-Coolidge, also confirmed Republicans were aiming to get a budget done around the 100-day mark of the session. 

The effort to coordinate a budget has been complicated by recent reports of lower-than-expected state revenue for January. The Joint Legislative Budget Committee’s updated April 16 forecast now projects $378 million in available resources rather than the $577 million originally estimated last year, a nearly $200 million reduction which staff attributes to the ongoing U.S. conflict with Iran, disruptions in oil markets and changing consumer behavior. 

The forecast does not take into account conforming the state’s tax policy to President Donald Trump’s One Big Beautiful Bill Act, an already-approved federal tax measure expected to reduce general fund revenue by more than $400 million if the state fully conforms.

Kavanagh said he expects the reduced revenue projections to have a minimal impact on budget negotiations since they’re working with more than $17 billion. 

“We hate to lose the estimate, but I think it’s a transient loss,” Kavanagh said. 

Republicans have also signaled they don’t intend to send a ballot referral to voters this year to renew Proposition 123, which Hobbs and Democrats have pushed as a way to free up about $300 million for the state budget. With Prop. 123 expired, the Legislature has had to backfill education funding for the voter-approved school funding measure using money from the state’s general fund. 

Still, Capitol observers are optimistic that a Prop. 123 referral could be passed this year — and they may not have a choice. 

HighGround Political Affairs Consultants CEO Chuck Coughlin said he believes lower revenue projections might force lawmakers to turn to a Prop. 123 renewal for additional revenue. 

“That’s where my head would go,” Coughlin said. “If I’m the Democrats, I would say what do I need to give up here to go get that money and put it in the bank.”

But Republicans have been divided on what a Prop. 123 renewal should look like. Rep. Matt Gress, R-Phoenix, previously told the Arizona Capitol Times that there isn’t agreement on the issue within the caucus and Republicans don’t want to bet $300 million at the ballot. 

With uncertainty abound, lawmakers will likely look to make cuts to last year’s budget. Kavanagh said he expects “minor” cuts all across the state government, except for public safety. 

“Government has grown since the last round of big cuts when we had the Great Recession, so there’s probably a little slab here and there that can be excised without pain,” Kavanagh said. 

Whatever budget is first produced will likely just be a starting point between GOP lawmakers and the governor. 

“(Hobbs) will be standing at the door of the Capitol with her veto stamp,” said lobbyist Barry Aarons. 

The Legislature has until June 30, the end of the fiscal year, to pass a budget and avoid a government shutdown. 

Correction: This article was updated to reflect Sen. John Kavanagh’s position on the Senate Appropriations, Transportation and Technology Committee.

Clean energy majority takes over SRP board, Turning Point falls short

Key Points:
  • A clean energy slate of candidates will control the Salt River Project board
  • Turning Point-backed candidates fell short despite massive investments
  • The results could foreshadow the outcome of November contests in the state 

Turning Point fell short of preventing a “clean energy” majority on the Salt River Project power board, signaling a rebuke of the conservative group and an increase in voter interest in energy issues. 

The clean energy contingent now has an eight to six majority on SRP’s Agricultural Improvement and Power District board, which oversees energy policy and customer rates. Turning Point Action launched an unprecedented localized campaign to prevent a clean energy majority on the board, but only managed to hold on to the board’s president and vice president seats and two of the seven other board seats up for grabs this year. 

In posts on X, Turning Point executives declared victory despite falling short of their original goal.

“Democrats had told donors this was the inevitable year they would win President and Vice President of SRP and control the agenda. They failed massively with a huge turnout,” Tyler Bowyer stated. “Ballot chasing works!”

But political consultants and energy experts say the results show voters are becoming disillusioned with both the Turning Point brand and the federal government’s energy policy agenda. 

“Turning Point made this election about them,” said independent consultant Chuck Coughlin. “It is a very poor time to be associated with the president with his poll numbers where they are, and they became the turnout mechanism.”

The normally-quiet utility race was dominated by Turning Point’s get-out-the-vote efforts, which began in the summer of 2025, and its seemingly endless resources. A political action committee formed by local construction executive Jimmy Lindblom to support conservative energy candidates even admitted defeat. 

“First, we congratulate Chris Dobson and Barry Paceley on their victories for President and Vice President,” Lindblom said in a statement. “While we are encouraged by their leadership, we are disappointed by the results in several other board races.”

As president, Dobson will set the board’s agenda, but his vote will still be part of the minority. Paceley will be a non-voting member as vice president and will primarily serve to fill in for Dobson in the case of any absences. 

Autumn Johnson, the executive director of the Arizona Solar Energy Industries Association, noted that Dobson isn’t exactly known in the energy space as an anti-Green New Deal extremist.

“(Turning Point is) acting like a Donald Trump person won … (Dobson) is a moderate, he has developed wind projects on his own land, he spoke at my solar conference two years ago,” Johnson said. “The guy is not like a fringe, right-wing guy.”

Johnson said Turning Point spent too much time and energy on the president, vice president and at-large board seats, while the clean candidates devoted their efforts to the acreage seats in voting areas 4, 6 and 8. Coughlin said that the Turning Point candidates had the right messaging, but it was overshadowed by their association with the group. 

“Parts of the SRP campaign were super good, affordability, reliability, cost of power. They had solid messaging all around the deck,” Coughlin said. “But it didn’t matter, because Turning Point became the issue, and that turned out gobs of people who have never voted in an SRP election ever.”

SRP is a nonprofit subdivision of the state that provides water and power to more than 2 million people throughout the Valley, from Chandler and Scottsdale to Goodyear and Peoria. While the state’s other major utilities are regulated by the Arizona Corporation Commission, SRP is regulated by a board made up of landowners within its service territory — many of whom are descendants of the farmers and ranchers who put up their land as collateral to ensure the construction of the Roosevelt Dam in the 1900s. 

SRP elections are uniquely arcane, thanks to a voting system created before Arizona was granted statehood, meaning only around 40,000 of the utility’s 2 million customers can weigh in on its leadership. The utility is regulated by two organizations, the Salt River Valley Water Users’ Association and the Salt River Project Agricultural Improvement and Power District. 

Only landowners can vote in SRP elections and only some of those eligible voters can vote in both association and district elections. Landowners are entitled to a certain number of votes based on acreage, except in the case of the district’s at-large board members who are elected under a one-landowner, one vote system.

Voters elect a president and vice president to oversee both the association and district. Ten board members and 30 council members are elected to oversee the association from SRP’s 10 voting areas, while 14 board members and 30 council members are elected to oversee the district.

Johnson said the April 8 results were “nothing short of miraculous,” as it marks the first time the SRP board has had a pro-renewable energy majority in its over 120 year history. She attributes it to a growing concern over soaring utility bills. 

“This is probably the first election in my lifetime when energy would probably make somebody’s ranking list of the things that they care about,” Johnson said.

Two seats on the state’s other utility oversight board, the ACC, are also up for grabs this year. Johnson said the SRP results should put those candidates — four on the Republican side, including two incumbents, and two on the Democratic side — on notice. 

But it should also serve as a reflection of “pent-up angst” that voters seem especially willing to take out on Republican candidates, not just in Arizona but across the country, Coughlin said. 

The SRP results could foreshadow the results of contests set to take place in November. 

“People waiting two and a half hours in line to vote for a utility governance board should make people pretty concerned about the amount of fervor that’s going to be around the November election,” Johnson said.

Will excess clemency hamper Hobbs’ re-election bid?

Key Points: 
  • Hobbs stays consistent on granting majority clemency recommendations
  • Consultant says clemency decisions unlikely to significantly impact reelection
  • Commutations remain rare, but applications rise despite low success rates

Gov. Katie Hobbs continues to keep a steady record in granting most, but not all, of the recommendations sent to her by the Board of Executive Clemency. 

During her time in office, Hobbs has granted 21 clemency requests of the 35 recommended to her office, with three sent this year still pending. 

Whether her approach changes during an election year remains an open question, but a political consultant said Hobbs’ decisions on commutations and pardons are unlikely to weigh heavily on her campaign for re-election. 

“For a Democratic governor in Arizona, it shouldn’t be a massive political calculus that would go into making a rational, well-reasoned decision about a commutation or a pardon,” Chuck Coughlin, political consultant for HighGround, said.

The Board of Executive Clemency is tasked with conducting a two-phase hearing for commutations, or the shortening or altering sentences deemed excessive, pardons, or the complete clearance of someone’s criminal and carceral record, and early release for inmates in imminent danger of death. 

A majority of the board must recommend clemency to the governor who then makes the final say on whether to grant or deny the application, with no deadline. But when the vote from the board is unanimous, the recommendation takes effect if the governor fails to grant or deny it within 90 days. 

In 2023, the board sent nine commutation recommendations – two pardons, four commutations and three releases for inmates in imminent danger of death – to the governor, and she granted seven, leaving two commutations still pending. 

In 2024, the board sent seven recommendations to the governor, including three commutations, three imminent-danger-of-death cases and one pardon. 

She granted two commutations and two releases for imminent danger of death. 

One commutation went to Marilyn Keppler, who was charged with aggravated assault with a deadly weapon or dangerous instrument by domestic violence in 2021 after hitting her husband in the head with a hammer. 

Hobbs commuted Kepler’s eight-year sentence to time served, citing good behavior in prison, participation in programming aimed at personal development, lack of any criminal history and significantly deteriorating physical health. Kepler has since passed away.

The governor also commuted a 292-year sentence levied on Atdom Patsalis for a string of theft charges to a life sentence with the possibility of parole after concluding the sentence was disproportionate to the offense. Because Patsalis had already served 10 years in prison, he was immediately eligible for parole. 

In 2025, Hobbs received 16 recommendations – three pardons, seven commutations and six imminent dangers of death. 

She granted five imminent dangers of death and the sixth went into effect after the 90-day mark. And, the governor granted one pardon for Olayinka Ajiboye, who was sentenced to three years for possession of marijuana and drug paraphernalia. 

Three people saw their sentences commuted in 2025.

One, Demitrius Moore, was sentenced to life without the possibility of release for 25 years for first degree murder, and further sentenced to another 10 years for kidnapping. 

Moore did not kill anyone but was present during a fatal robbery and kidnapping. In 2019, he was paroled from his life sentence to his active sentence. He’s now served 30 years in prison. 

Hobbs commuted the sentence, noting Moore had received a “far more excessive sentence than any other defendant despite having had a far less active role in the commission of the underlying crimes,” according to her annual clemency report to the Legislature. 

She noted he had served as a dedicated mentor. He still has to serve additional time on other counts but he will be parole eligible in five years. 

Bryan Booker, a man who was serving a life sentence without parole for driving a vehicle during a drive-by shooting, saw his sentence commuted to 25 years to life with parole eligibility. 

Hobbs noted Booker was a teenager at the time of his offense and had already served 25 years in prison. 

Hobbs then commuted a 40-year prison sentence for Hope King to two years. King was sentenced to 40 years for attempted murder and child abuse after injuring her infant daughter. But, given a postpartum psychosis diagnosis not raised at trial, Hobbs deemed the sentence excessive. 

Hobbs currently has three new cases – one commutation and two pardons – on her desk as of March 2026. Six cases from years past are still pending. 

Now that Hobbs is entering an election year, Coughlin does not expect her decisions on clemency to play a big role in the general election. 

“I wouldn’t imagine she would have any significant issues, particularly with her Democratic voter base, on what she’s done,” Coughlin said. “I’m sure she’s been thoughtful about exposing herself to undue criticism in a general election environment.” 

He contrasted Hobbs’ situation with a Republican primary. 

“It’s more relevant for Republican candidates who face Republican primary voters – law and order, hang em’ high, not a lot of grace there,” Coughlin said. “I would imagine she wouldn’t have any significant issues, particularly with her Democratic voter base, on what she’s done.” 

Over Hobbs’ time in office, the total of commutations sent to the board continues to increase. In FY2025, the board conducted 260 phase one commutation hearings, jumping from 199 the year prior. 

Gretchen McClellan-Singh, the board’s executive director, acknowledged the increase and noted that the board has already received around 60 applications this year. 

Donna Hamm, executive director of Middle Ground Prison Reform, who often assists inmates in the clemency application process, emphasized the chances of getting a commutation in front of the governor in the first place continues to be slim. 

She likens the process to buying a lottery ticket. 

“The most important thing that I focus on is how slim their chances are of being successful,” Hamm said. “Because statistically, historically, it’s like buying a lottery I tell them, It’s like buying a lottery ticket. You can never, ever win the lottery if you don’t buy a ticket, but your chances are almost nil of winning.” 

Hamm added, too, commutations are meant to be the exception, not the rule. 

“Commutation is supposed to be rare,” Hamm said. “It’s supposed to be for extraordinary cases.” 

Independent Party ‘disruptor’ enters race for governor

Key Points:
  • Hugh Lytle is running for governor as an Arizona Independent Party candidate
  • Independents are unlikely to be elected, but could play spoiler to other candidates
  • Gov. Katie Hobbs’ campaign is most likely to be impacted by Lytle’s candidacy, consultants say

An independent contender has entered Arizona’s competitive gubernatorial race, which could spell trouble for candidates in the state’s two major political parties.

On Jan. 26, local health care executive Hugh Lytle announced he would join a growing pool of challengers to incumbent Gov. Katie Hobbs, but with the backing of the Arizona Independent Party. Three Republicans — business executive Karrin Taylor Robson, U.S. Rep. Andy Biggs and U.S. Rep. David Schweikert — are also hoping to unseat Hobbs. 

Lytle is the founder of Equality Health and several other health care organizations offering services to providers. He got his start in the Grand Canyon State as a quarterback at Arizona State University, but was forced to switch gears after breaking his collarbone during a scrimmage. 

Lytle describes himself as a disruptor hoping to “bridge the partisan divide” in Arizona and provide voters with more than two options on the ballot. 

“The two parties are trapped in a fight that never ends,” Lytle said in a press release announcing his candidacy. “They argue, posture, divide — but they don’t solve the big problems.” 

Political consultants and observers agree that independent candidates, whether they’re affiliated with the newly-created Arizona Independent Party or not, still have an uphill battle to get elected in Arizona. But they could have an outsized impact on the governor’s race by siphoning votes from Hobbs or whoever her eventual Republican challenger will be. 

Chuck Coughlin, the CEO of HighGround Public Affairs, said he believes Lytle’s campaign is more likely to negatively affect Hobbs than a potential Republican opponent.

“The conventional wisdom is that an independent candidate hurts a Democrat more than a Republican, because Republican voters are more loyal, more conservative, and older, and they tend to stick to their hometown team,” Coughlin said. 

And a candidate like Lytle has more potential for causing harm to Hobbs this year because of the “immediate ballot access” provided by the Arizona Independent Party, Coughlin said. 

Traditionally, “no party affiliated” has been considered Arizona’s designation for independent voters. Under state law, candidates running without party affiliation have to gather at least 44,539 petition signatures to qualify for the ballot in a statewide race, while candidates running as Republicans or Democrats only have to gather around 7,000 signatures.

Paul Johnson, a former Phoenix mayor, saw an opportunity to skirt the barrier to entry for independent candidates when the No Labels Party fizzled after its 2024 attempt to run a third-party candidate for president. Because No Labels is a recognized party in Arizona, its candidates only have to gather 1,288 signatures.

Johnson became chair of No Labels in 2025, quickly changed the party’s name to the Arizona Independent Party, and began recruiting candidates to run as independents. That name change is the subject of ongoing litigation brought by the Citizens Clean Elections Commission, the Arizona Republican Party and the Arizona Democratic Party, who all argue it will confuse voters who want to register as “no party affiliated.”

Johnson told reporters at a press conference on Jan. 27 that the AIP’s efforts will continue regardless of the outcome of the lawsuits, and the intention isn’t to draw voters away from major party candidates.

“Our goal, clearly, is not to be anti-Democrat or anti-Republican,” Johnson said. “We think both of those groups have something positive to offer, but so do independents.”

Given the tight margins in Arizona races in recent years and the decline in voter registration among Democrats, Hobbs and Democratic incumbents like Attorney General Kris Mayes and Secretary of State Adrian Fontes will need every independent vote they can get. In 2022, Hobbs beat Republican Kari Lake by just over 17,000 votes, while Mayes bested now-Congressman Abe Hamadeh by just 280 votes. 

As of January 2026, AIP has 41,484 registered voters — more than enough to have swayed either Hobbs’ or Mayes’ 2022 races. Over 1.4 million Arizonans are registered as “no party affiliated” and might also be interested in a third-party option.

“Some independents are going to be turned off by both the partisan D and the partisan R, and so they’ll vote for the third party candidate, where those votes historically … tend to go to the Democrats,” Coughlin said. 

However, Lytle shrugs off the suggestion that his candidacy will only serve as a spoiler for Hobbs or her eventual Republican challenger.

“I would say maybe that’s the case if we had 5% of the electorate, but we don’t,” Lytle said. “Recent Gallup polls show 44% of average Americans at least identify as being an independent, but they have no way to attach who’s their party leader, who’s someone who can represent the interest of independence. So spoiler, no, I think they’re spoiling me.” 

Still, Coughlin argued that even though more voters are registering without party affiliation in Arizona, the electorate is still “deeply partisan.” One Democratic consultant, speaking on background, agreed with Coughlin, noting that Arizona’s independents like to split their ballots and vote for a mix of Republicans and Democrats rather than a third-party candidate. 

That consultant said it is unlikely that Lytle will pose any real challenge to the major party candidates given the rocky launch of the AIP and its lack of resources. 

Coughlin also noted that despite the lower signature threshold for AIP candidates, both major parties will attempt to block them from the ballot in court through petition signature challenges. 

“They will use every lever at their disposal to make an independent campaign more and more difficult,” Coughlin said. “But the question becomes, what does an independent campaign have to do to be relevant? And really if you’re getting eight to 10% of the vote, you’re relevant.” 

Schweikert announces bid for Arizona governor, faces criticism from both sides

Key Points:
  • US Rep. David Schweikert joins Republican primary for governor
  • Schweikert concerned about Republican candidates’ ability to beat Gov. Katie Hobbs
  • Schweikert’s departure opens up a competitive congressional seat in northeast Phoenix

U.S. Rep. David Schweikert is officially jumping into the Republican primary for governor, opening up a barrage of political attacks from both sides of the aisle and a competitive congressional seat in northeast Phoenix.

After months of speculation, Schweikert confirmed his intent to run in an interview with the Arizona Republic on Sept. 30, citing his concern that the two current Republican candidates, fellow U.S. Rep. Andy Biggs and businesswoman Karrin Taylor Robson, cannot defeat incumbent Gov. Katie Hobbs in a general election. The announcement sparked swift reactions from both Republican candidates and supporters of Hobbs.

“The race for second place is on between two career politicians,” a press release from Robson’s campaign said. 

Biggs’ campaign highlighted a new poll from conservative firm Pulse Decision Science, which put him far ahead of both Robson and Schweikert, with Schweikert trailing 23% to Biggs’ 61% among likely Republican primary voters. 

“No matter what the field looks like, the polls have been clear: Arizona Republican primary voters are supporting our campaign,” Biggs said in a post on X. “We’ll keep working and building on our lead over the coming months.”

Both Robson and Biggs touted their shared endorsement from President Donald Trump, something Schweikert is unlikely to snag. Trump previously endorsed two candidates in 2024’s Republican primary for Congressional District 8, but a three-way endorsement would be unprecedented.

Biggs also has the support of conservative juggernaut Turning Point USA, and its late-founder Charlie Kirk endorsed his campaign earlier this year. Chuck Coughlin, the CEO of HighGround Public Affairs and a Republican turned independent, said he doesn’t see a path to victory for Schweikert in the primary. 

“I think most MAGA Republicans and Trump supporters in the Republican primary are going to Congressman Biggs,” Coughlin said. “Given the geography of (Schweikert’s) district, I could see how he could persuade maybe some of Robson’s supporters to move his way … but I still think Karrin, given her last statewide race and better name I.D., is a pretty formidable candidate herself.” 

Democrats joined in on the attacks against Schweikert Tuesday, with Copper State Victory, the coordinated campaign to re-elect Arizona’s top three Democrats, calling out the Congressman’s recent votes in favor of Trump administration policies like the “One Big Beautiful Bill.”

“The Arizona GOP gubernatorial primary is already a messy, expensive race that is running further and further to the extreme right at the expense of Arizona families,” a press release from Copper State Victory said. “With Congressman David Schweikert’s decision to step into the ring, this primary will now escalate exponentially into an all-out brawl.”

Schweikert’s decision to enter the gubernatorial race opens up his seat in Congressional District 1. He and U.S. Rep. Paul Gosar are Arizona’s two longest-serving current congressional members, and Schweikert’s departure from Congress would give a new Republican candidate the opportunity to try to secure what has become a key battleground seat for the GOP in recent elections. 

In 2024, Schweikert defeated Democrat Amish Shah by just under 4% of votes in the district, expanding on a narrow 2022 victory where he beat Jevin Hodge by a margin of less than 1%. 

Shah is running again for Congress in the district, and 11 other Democrats have filed paperwork with the Secretary of State’s Office to express interest in running as well. 

“David Schweikert will no longer be my opponent. Earlier this year, he joined nearly every House Republican in Congress to take healthcare away from millions of Americans and explode the national debt, all to give tax cuts to the ultra-rich. Meanwhile, the American people witness daily chaos and absurdity in the news every morning from government shutdowns to canceling comedians to economy-crushing tariffs. Any Republican from our district who replaces Schweikert in this race will be afraid to stand up to the Trump Administration to put America on the right track,” Shah said in a statement. 

Registered Republican voters outnumber registered Democrats by more than 62,000, according to a July voter registration report from the Secretary of State’s office. There are another 179,000 voters registered as “other” in the district.

“Republicans will field a strong candidate to defeat whichever liberal emerges from the Democrats’ 7-way primary. Voters in this district are shifting rightward and reject Democrats’ tax-raising, open borders agenda,” said National Republican Congressional Committee Spokesperson Ben Petersen.

One prominent valley Republican has already rejected rumors that he might run for the CD1 seat hours after Schweikert announced his decision to run. 

Maricopa County Board of Supervisors Chairman Thomas Galvin wrote in a post on X that he’s flattered his name has been tossed around as Schweikert’s successor but he would rather continue serving on the board with the “best job in Arizona government.”

While rumors continue to swirl around potential Republican candidates in CD1, no official announcements have been made. 

Tight races could leave Senate equally divided

With Democrats aiming to flip the Legislature and Republicans defending their slim majority, consultants said the Senate could see an equally split chamber for the first time since 2000. 

The 2022 legislative districting map has brought up highly competitive general races in key districts – and similar campaign strategies. 

Democrats are vying for the majority after more than 20 years of Republican control. The GOP majority has slimmed in the past 10 years, but Republican candidates championed a two-seat lead in both the House and Senate in the 2022 general election. 

With most primary election results called, GOP consultant Chuck Coughlin said the Senate could see an equally split chamber for the first time since 2000. 

As it stands, the chamber is led by Republicans with a 16-14 majority and Democratic campaigns are applying pressure to every legislative district that could sway blue.

The minority party is running heavily-funded candidates for Senate seats in six close competitive districts. Campaigns on both sides of the aisle are encouraging voters in highly contentious districts to reject their opposing general election candidate for being too “extreme” for the area they seek to represent. 

In the Republican-leaning Legislative District 17, former lawmaker Vince Leach ousted incumbent Sen. Justine Wadsack in the GOP primary. Leach is a less controversial general election candidate than Wadsack, Coughlin said, thus reducing the tightness of the race for Democrat candidates. 

“There are other races that, at this juncture, look less competitive,” Coughlin said. “I forecast 15-15 right now.”

Mike Noble, CEO of Noble Predictive Insights, also said that primary results forecast a tighter battle for the majority. 

“Pre-primary there was a decent shot, however, post-primary I’d say the field goal just got moved to the 50-yard line – not impossible, but a challenge,” Noble said of Democrats winning a tie in the chamber. 

Though Leach is viewed as a less beatable candidate to some, the Arizona Democratic legislative campaign committee said in a written statement that he is “one of the most extreme legislators in his party and consistently prioritized special interests over his constituents.” John McLean, a businessman, is Leach’s Democratic competition. 

The Democratic committee has undertaken a similar tactic at battleground districts across the state, urging voters to side with the less “extreme” candidate, but most of their target districts lean slightly Republican.  

Noble and Coughlin both said a tie in the chamber could come down to Legislative District 2. The district, which encompasses northern Phoenix, is highly competitive and leans very slightly in favor of Republican candidates, according to the Arizona Independent Redistricting Commission. 

Sen. Shawnna Bolick is the GOP incumbent of LD2. She beat her primary opponent, Josh Barnett, by about 7% of votes.  Coughlin said the Senate seat is shaping up to be “Democrats’ number one pickup opportunity,” where the party is running Rep. Judy Schwiebert.

Democrat political action committees from in and out of state have funneled thousands into Schwiebert’s campaign effort. Bolick had $164,386 on hand, according to pre-primary finance reports, while Schwiebert led by nearly double with $327,518 on hand. 

The Republican Arizona Senate Victory Fund PAC announced their own version of the “reject extremism” campaign strategy on Aug. 6, which specifically targets Legislative District 4. The slightly-GOP district is represented in the Senate by Democrat incumbent Sen. Christine Marsh, who they dubbed “Extreme Christine.” 

The “Extreme Christine” campaign website took a similar strategy to ADLCC by telling voters to “send extreme Christine home” and lists her voting record on issues like immigration, school choice and taxes. 

The only time a chamber has been tied in Arizona was in the Senate from 2001 to 2002. Republicans lost control of their majority during the 2000 general election. 

At the time, Democratic lawmakers negotiated with former Sen. Randall Gnant, a Republican, and convinced him to be the president of the chamber on the condition that committees be split. 

Former state Sen. Pete Rios, a Democrat, said in a 2011 interview with the Arizona Memory Project that Gnant was their first choice because he seemed “moderate enough for Democrats to work with.” 

Rios recalled the dinner where Democrats convinced Gnant to lead the chamber: “I said, ‘Randall, if you say you’re going to do it, you’re going to do it, and we’re not leaving here until we sign this thing in blood. Once we leave here, you’re going to be president, you’re going to take a lot of heat, your people are going to call you every name in the book like God’s child, so you better be ready.’ He said, ‘I know it, I know it.’”

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