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Jared Keenan: Liberty and government accountability

As Jared Keenan, former legal director for the American Civil Liberties Union of Arizona, takes up the helm at the Arizona Center for Law in the Public Interest, he asks himself, if not me, who, and if not now, when? 

From facing the state as a public defender to taking up the center’s mission to defend civil and legal rights statewide, Keenan follows the thread of government accountability wherever it leads him. 

What led you to the Center for Law in the Public Interest? 

I don’t know if there ever is a linear path to these types of positions, but I started my career as a public defender. I was a public defender in Boston, Massachusetts, and in Mohave County for a short period, and in Yavapai County. And I thought, at least when I started that work, that it might be what my whole career was going to look like. I love the work. I still do. I love public defense work. I had nothing but respect for public defenders across the country, but there was a point doing that work where I was not yet burned out, but I saw that coming. It’s very difficult work. You are often a single attorney standing between your client and the full force and power of the state, and it can be draining. 

So, there was an opportunity at the ACLU of Arizona to do criminal legal reform work. And so I decided that it made sense at that time in my career. I became a senior staff attorney, then a legal director, and expanded the types of impact litigation I worked on, which is ultimately what brought me to the center. 

Continuing to do impact litigation is extremely important. It’s vital, frankly, right now, to have organizations that are fighting to make the state and country a better place. 

I felt like, if there’s a through line between the public defense work ACLU and now the work with the center, it’s holding the government accountable for its actions, ensuring that they comply with the law and the Constitution, or constitutions both state and federal. 

Are there any cases that stick out in your work in public defense that brought you closer to impact litigation? 

The first impact case that I ever worked on was actually a case that I worked on when I first got to Prescott. Arizona had passed the Medical Marijuana Act, and at the time, the Yavapai County Attorney’s Office was inserting in every plea deal that they made a provision that prohibited, or, at least attempted to prohibit, medical marijuana patients from using marijuana while on probation. And I had a client who was in that situation. She was a medical marijuana patient and had been for some time. She ended up taking a plea deal that would put her on probation. Medical marijuana was the only thing that really helped her. And so we challenged that provision, arguing that it was unconstitutional, contrary to public policy as the voters dictated in passing the Medical Marijuana Act. And that case actually went all the way to the Arizona Supreme Court, and I got to argue that at the court. It was super exciting, but also it made a real impact, not just on my client’s life, which it did, but like the ruling applied statewide. And so now everybody on probation who was a medical marijuana patient cannot be prevented either by a prosecutor or by a judge from using medical marijuana while on probation. 

I think it was the first time that I thought about using cases like that to make systemic change. So now that’s precisely the type of cases that I’m working on, that I worked on with the ACLU, and now I’m working on with the center — cases that have sort of a broad impact. And they don’t just help one or two individuals, but hopefully help, you know, thousands of individuals across the state. 

When you think about your work at the ACLU, what cases stick with you? 

Some of them had big impacts. Some of them stand out because we lost. At times, we’ve taken on difficult issues that we knew might not go our way, but the thing that I think about the most is the bravery of the clients, because, you know, they don’t have to be involved in those cases, and they often take on a degree of risk when they do. 

For example, we had a number of cases at the height of the pandemic, challenging jail and prison conditions and arguing that these facilities, including Maricopa County Jail and a CoreCivic facility in Florence, were not doing enough to protect people in congregate housing from contracting Covid-19. When people in jails and prisons sue the jails and prisons, they are also retaliated against by staff or others. And it can be scary, it can be dangerous, right? And we had an amazing group of clients who, despite that real possibility, made it possible for us to challenge those conditions. And ultimately, the pandemic sort of wound its way down, and those cases kept going and kept going, and some cases were ultimately dismissed. But what was clear to me was that conditions had significantly improved because we fought. It didn’t necessarily matter that we ultimately lost the case. On a day to day basis, there were improvements being made by the facility that they likely would not have done but for the fact they knew that there was a group of attorneys watching them and folks inside willing to speak with us. 

I’m sure a lot of it is dictated by what comes in the door but what have you found your instincts to be in assessing cases and finding instances where you want to step in? 

I don’t just work in Arizona and in Phoenix in particular, I live here. So I see things that I view as problematic. I’m lucky and privileged to be in a position where I can see a problem and potentially do something about it. Frankly, it’s why I went to law school. I didn’t know what I wanted to do when I started law school, but I knew it would give me the tools and empower me to make changes when I saw things that needed to be changed. I’m grateful that I’m continuing in a position now at the center where I have some authority and autonomy to see problems and try to fix them. 

When you were thinking about this job, how do you imagine yourself shaping the work? 

The center has a long history, and it’s a strong history built upon former executive directors, former staff. I obviously bring a unique sort of expertise and perspective, and so we’ll certainly use that to guide what type of cases the center takes on. But we also have amazing staff who are experts in their fields and are taking on super important cases. Environmental work is super important. The work on school funding is super important. The work related to foster care in Arizona is super important. And so all that is going to continue.

The mission of the center is quite broad, which is great. It allows us to be able to pivot when we need to. It’s sometimes impossible to know what the challenge will be tomorrow, let alone next year. And so given that the mission is broad enough to sort of let us adapt to the types of challenges that we see in Arizona, I think it will allow us to rise to the challenge when new threats to our rights and our liberties are presented. 

As you approach this work, what’s on the priority list? 

It’s hard for me to say right now, since I’m just a few weeks into the position. 

I certainly have some areas that I think are super important. Some of them include public records litigation and open records open meetings. So that’s sort of like within a government accountability space. I bring some experience with First Amendment litigation, and so often that litigation is sort of tied with government accountability, right, whether it’s ensuring that the residents of Arizona are able to hold their government accountable. 

I have experience working on criminal legal reform issues, and I think that the criminal justice system is almost all encompassing. It touches on so many things people don’t really think about, like the medical field, health care, the foster care system … democracy issues. The criminal justice system winds its way in there as legislators try to make it harder for people to vote, or make it harder to collect signatures, to get a referendum or a ballot initiative on the ballot. All of those things that dilute the power of voters in Arizona often have a criminal law component as well, and so I think all of those areas sort of intersect and are ripe for challenges to be brought by the center. 

What guides you in this work, and what will be your north star as you continue in this position? 

My wife is a public defender, and she has always been someone that I look to when I’m like, not sure which way I should go with cases or with work or whatever. And, in fact, she’s the person who convinced me to try public defense, which I tried about halfway through law school. I’ll rely on her and look to her for that sort of support and guidance. 

Like I said, I went to law school to get a degree that would empower me to do impactful work to make the world a better place, and that is what I’ve tried to do ever since. And now I have a son, and he is another inspiration to keep doing this work, because I’d rather leave this world a better place for him. 

Why is this work so important? Why is holding the government to account so important? 

The way I look at it is like, if we don’t do it, if I don’t do it, who is going to do it? There are lots of great organizations doing lots of great work, but, it doesn’t mean that that’s inevitable, right? You need dedicated lawyers doing meaningful work. 

John Fabricius: Ex-con, paralegal and prison oversight advocate

John Fabricius, executive director of the Praxis Initiative and formerly of Arizonans for Transparency and Accountability in Corrections, first recognized a void in independent prison oversight while he was an inmate himself. Now, as a lead on criminal justice policy, he sees an extra set of eyes and ears as an absolute necessity. 

What brought you to this work? 

I had an older brother … My brother was nine (years older) … He got into trouble early on … He started getting off into drugs and that kind of thing, and coming off that way … He ends up going into the juvenile system here. Then, when he’s 18, he ends up in the adult system here. He gets a five-year sentence, gets out of here, and ends up in Nebraska. He spends three years back there, gets out, and does well again, eventually ending up in Illinois. Ended up doing eight years in the Illinois system. So in all those times, I went through that as a family member, as a kid growing up with that experience. 

You can imagine that it left an indelible mark on me. My brother, when he came home, would have stories of success and failure. There’s always drug-related failure. But the successes that he would have were where he would talk to me a lot about being in prison and helping guys do their legal work, because he always wrote well, because he was really smart. After he got out of the Illinois prison, he ended up going to DePaul (University) and was pre-law. Unfortunately, that fell through. He ended up back here in the system in 2007, and then he overdosed and died in 2008, not long after he got out. 

His stories of success resonate in my head. So when I got in trouble in 2003, when I went to the Department of Corrections, I saw what was going on in there. It was not as advertised. I certainly understood why my brother walked out. I had anger at my brother for all those years. I was just like everybody else in society. I was mad at my brother for being a derelict and drug addict. I feel really guilty about that now. That experience, him being in there, and what he went through and things that were successful for him really resonated. 

What do you remember about your own experience in the Department of Corrections? 

The first time you go in, all you’re thinking about is getting out. That’s all you’re thinking about most of the time anyway, but you’re really focused on your first time in the incarceration experience. You’re scared to death. You don’t know what’s going on. 

I got out, and there was nothing. I made it 10 months, and then I went back in there. And this time I went in with a 16 and a half year sentence. It was a much more profound sentence.

This time, when I went in, I invested in getting an education. I found a good paralegal school. I took that and then went to work in there doing legal work for other people, helping them with their criminal appeals and helping them with their civil rights cases. I really liked civil rights and civil law. I have a real passion for it. I hate criminal law, but unfortunately I had to do a bunch of it. 

It really put it into sharp focus because I was studying the law at the time, including Supreme Court decisions and Ninth Circuit court decisions, as well as the constitutional framework that outlined how operations were supposed to be conducted, establishing the constitutional floor. I was immersed in policy, and it was emerging to me that there was a real disconnect. 

When did you make the connection to oversight? 

I got a job; I was a clerk. When I was doing that, there was a reporter here named Bob Ortega who used to work for The Republic. He was doing a story on a guy, he was like a self help guru, he was doing sweat lodges, like a yuppie retreat, and I guess he was a real hard-ass, and a lady died in his sweat lodge. That guy was going to go to prison, and Ortega was doing a big exposé. He came to tour our prison as part of that news report. 

We were told by the warden to make sure everything was in line. It just dawned on me right then. This is the only eyes and ears the public has coming into our facilities. He’s walking in right now, and I am part of the tools that manage it, (and) obfuscate all of the facts of this place. He won’t see, hear, smell, taste any of the real problems. And I’m part of that. I’m a tool in this campaign. That’s when I started thinking about oversight. I thought about oversight every day. I was sitting there, thinking about how to implement it, what we would need, and what would work and what wouldn’t. 

What problems did you see? What motivated you to continue down the policy path after you left? 

When I came out of the Department of Corrections, I was fired up. When I was there, it also was the time when we had passed the law to go to privatized health care in 2009, so from 2009 to 2011 basically, what we had was a massive attrition of all these state-hired medical people who knew that the end was near and they were going out to get other jobs. So they were leaving the ship. There was nobody around.

I watched a friend of mine go blind from a detached retina. I saw another guy die. I saw a guy lose a leg. I mean, it just was horrific what was going on there all at the same time this was happening. So that’s what animates me. Then you add on another eight years in prison. By the time I got out, I was so pissed off, I was so fired up that I just started charging. I was like a bull in a china shop for the longest time. Hopefully, I’m a little bit better now. 

When did the charge for oversight in the Legislature start for you? 

We wrote this proposal up; all I did was basically argue that there’s 225 commissions and boards out here that monitor everything from nail polish to education. This is a big, massive agency. It’s the only one that we’re taking care of human lives 24 hours a day, 365 days a year. Why do we not have any oversight there?

So when I first started talking about oversight, it was very much what I had been thinking about (in prison). I’d never done any research on oversight models. I thought long and hard about what I thought would work and what wouldn’t, and that was this committee idea that I came up with. 

Laetitia Hua, who won Miss Maricopa County, connected me to Diego Rodriguez, a lawmaker at the time, and he took my bill. It shocked me because I had written this thing down, I’m a paralegal. I had some legal experience, but I had never written a law. They didn’t change a comma or a period, nothing, it sailed through. It was super simple, but it was kind of shocking — the immediacy of that. The instant nature of that was really a game changer. It’s this close. Democracy is this close. 

What is your message on oversight now? What is most important to understand? 

There’s a difference between retaliation and accountability. I think that’s what we need to decide as a society. What are we going to use the Department of Corrections for? 95% of the people who are coming out of the Department of Corrections are going to come home. They could be living right next door to you. So do you want someone who’s been tortured for six years by the government? Or do you want someone who’s been nurtured and helped by the government to find a different path? That’s the binary we have in front of us. 

What keeps you going? 

I am a musician. I’m a guitar player, a studio engineer. And I thought about that while I was in there too, a lot. I love playing music. There’s a billion things I’d rather be doing, really, than thinking about our prisons all the time, and then certainly going down here and putting out in public that I’m an ex-prisoner all the time. There’s other stuff in this world that I would do, but there’s not anything else that I get the level of genuine satisfaction from, because I really feel like we’re doing good things here. I couldn’t be doing anything else now at this stage, knowing what I know and seeing what I’ve seen. 

We come out. We come out alive. Most of us come out alive, but we don’t come out undamaged, that’s for sure. And I am definitely better in many ways, because of the experience. I’m able to sit here and have a conversation with you and not be strung out and all that kind of stuff and doing stupid things. There’s a better part of me for being here. But that didn’t come as advertised, as a function of the Department of Corrections. It came in spite of the Department of Corrections. You rehabilitate in there, in spite of the environment, not because of the environment. That’s what we have to change.

Is the door open for change in the criminal justice system?

Another legislative session means another swing at criminal justice changes, and this year advocates are hopeful for the passage of a home confinement bill and a continued conversation on wholesale oversight of the Department of Corrections, Rehabilitation and Reentry. 

Though bills seeking the same aims stalled in past legislative sessions, a lawmaker and advocates for criminal justice changes sense a slowly growing appetite for greater oversight and a stronger consensus on reform of the state’s carceral system given the budgetary price tag attached to corrections.

“Lawmakers are starting to realize – and this goes to both criminal justice and to the government accountability here with the prison system –  that brutality and harsh conditions and all these things … they don’t lead to enhancing public safety, and they don’t lead to better outcomes,” said John Fabricius, executive director for Praxis Initiative, formerly Arizonans for Transparency and Accountability in Corrections. 

“These conversations have been a little bit easier to have in the last, I’d say, a year or two with lawmakers, from my perspective, I’m not finding as many people that have visceral reactions.”

Over the past two sessions, lawmakers, lobbyists and the Department of Corrections toiled over legislation allowing low-level offenders with no disciplinary infractions early release into a home confinement electronic monitoring program. 

In 2023, former Sen. Steve Kaiser, R-Phoenix, sponsored an iteration of the bill which would have tasked the Department of Corrections with administering the program and the Board of Executive Clemency with vetting and approving program applicants. 

But the legislation included no fiscal note to ensure the program’s implementation. The bill passed the Senate Judiciary Committee and a third read on the floor but failed in the House Military Affairs & Public Safety Committee. 

In 2024, the bill came back sponsored by Rep. Kevin Payne, R-Peoria. It cut out the Board of Executive Clemency and included a note finding the bill would increase corrections’ costs by $7.2 million in FY2025 and $6.2 million in FY2027, but would ultimately be offset by a projected netsavings of up to $90 million per year within five years. 

It passed the House Military and Public Safety Committee and on the House floor but failed to secure a Senate committee assignment. 

As for the bill’s third go-around, Steven Scharboneau, lobbyist for Arizona Attorneys for Criminal Justice, said he believes all parties to be on the same page, noting support from the Corrections Department and law enforcement. 

“It’s brought people together from all different angles, in all different sides of the justice system, and the political spectrum, who all do agree that there’s people right now in prison that don’t need to be,” Scharboneau said. 

Others in the criminal justice space who had opposed the legislation have shifted to support and see its potential for passage now, too. 

Donna Hamm, founder and executive director of Middle Ground Prison Reform, opposed the bill in the 2023 session given the burden it placed on the Board of Executive Clemency. With the tweaks to the bill, Middle Ground is now rallying behind it. 

“I think that is probably the one that has the most possibility of consideration,” Hamm said. “By all means, it has a path to travel to get a wetted ink signature from the governor.” 

Beyond home confinement, criminal justice advocates are looking at further oversight of the Corrections Department. 

Republican Rep. Walt Blackman said he planned to sponsor legislation to create an independent oversight body dedicated to corrections, complete with full-time employees. 

Rep. Analise Ortiz and Sen. Brian Fernandez, both Democrats, introduced similar legislation last session, with a proposal to create a Correctional Oversight Committee and the Office of Independent Corrections Oversight Committee. 

The ultimately unsuccessful attempt came in response to the governor’s own shot at review via an executive order establishing the Independent Prison Oversight Commission. 

Ortiz, Fernandez and Blackman all served on the commission and ultimately found the format limiting and returned a report finding a volunteer cohort housed in the Governor’s Office is “not the ideal framework for oversight work.” 

Director Ryan Thornell of the Department of Corrections, Rehabilitation and Reentry lodged his own internal review committee on Dec. 17, tasking members to look at education, substance use disorder, mental health services and self harm prevention, reentry, vocational training and career readiness, tribal relations, peer mentorship and women’s service.

Advocates lauded the shot at further review by Thornell but noted some missing areas, like prison conditions and confinement and medical care. They still stressed the need for independent oversight given Corrections administration could change with the gubernatorial election in 2026.  

“There’s a day after this director,” Fabricius said. “What we have seen historically is the directors to be more opaque and to be more closed. So, I think it is incumbent on the Arizona Legislature to pass oversight of the Department of Corrections … We pay an enormous amount of money to operate this department, yet we don’t have any real substantive oversight of it.” 
Kurt Altman, lobbyist for Right on Crime, noted a more cooperative relationship between groups seeking change and Thornell, creating some semblance of hope for change, oversight or programming legislation in 2025. 

Ahead of the start of the session, some criminal justice bills have already materialized. Rep. Selina Bliss, R-Prescott, introduced a bill permitting the Department of Corrections to extend transition services if deemed necessary, and Payne filed a bill to increase correctional officers’ salaries by 20%. 

Blackman said, beyond oversight, he planned to introduce legislation addressing transition services. Altman said this session could also bring another look at mandatory sentencing and criminal record sealing. 

How criminal justice fares this session is an open question, too, but change advocates are hopeful. 

“It’s always a tough road with criminal justice in our Legislature,” Altman said. “The balance, especially on the right, is probably going to be the same … but it presents an opportunity for education of some of the newer members.”

Altman added that the recent prosecution of Cochise County Supervisors Peggy Judd and Tom Crosby and the ongoing case against the 2020 alternate electors may prompt a change of heart, too. 

“Good, bad, indifferent, it may make some folks that are like law and order on the right to think twice about the power that’s out there, and how to balance that, mitigate it,” Altman said.

Blackman said he sensed at least some sects of the Republican majority were open to criminal justice policy change as well. 

“Republicans in the state, they’re looking for new leadership in different areas now and are not so hawkish,” Blackman said. “They’re looking for results. They’re looking for common sense policy … people who believe in the core values of the Republican Party … Those folks have an appetite for good criminal justice reform.” 

 

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