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Revived bill aims to restrict public funding for abortion services in Arizona

Key Points:
  • Rep. Lupe Diaz plans to reintroduce a bill that would prevent the state from providing public funding to clinics that promote or perform abortions
  • Opponents of the proposed bill say it would restrict health care access for low income patients
  • Republican lawmaker plans to revive bill to ban public funding for abortions

A Republican lawmaker wants to revive a bill that would prohibit the state from providing public funding to facilities and clinics that perform or promote abortions.

Rep. Lupe Diaz, R-Benson, said he plans to reintroduce his measure to prevent the state from entering into a contract or providing grants to any person or facility that provides or advises clients to seek an abortion.

Under current law, Arizona doesn’t allow public funding for most abortions except for emergencies, but Diaz’s proposal would expand upon that provision.

“For me and … all of the Republican Caucus, is that it is an individual and that individual deserves the same rights as any citizen under the constitution, which means protection of life,” said Diaz, who serves as the pastor of a nondenominational church in Benson. “Once you begin to violate … to cross that line, then, yeah, I’m going to restrict every dollar that I can from going to promote, perform and provide an abortion.”

Diaz’s original bill, House Bill 2547, passed the House along party lines before moving to the Senate, where it was approved in the Senate Government Committee. The measure then stalled before being approved by the chamber.

Supporters of the bill acknowledged that voters approved Proposition 139 last fall, which enshrines the right to an abortion in the state Constitution. However, they opposed the idea of taxpayer money funding facilities that advertise the procedure as a viable option for unwanted pregnancies.

“The crux of this whole issue is whether the taxpayer should be paying for that promotion,” said U.S. Rep Andy Biggs, R-Ariz, at the Senate Government Committee hearing on March 19. “So if you’re defining promotion as someone going in and being referred to a specific specialist for medical care, in this instance, there is no rationale that says that the public should have to be paying for that.”

The legislation drew strong opposition from medical professionals and abortion-rights groups that criticized the bill for attempting to circumvent the new constitutional right to abortion. 

According to those groups, the bill could limit access to health care options, affect low income people who rely on publicly funded clinics for reproductive health care and lead to the closure of facilities that provide abortions and other health care. 

“Arizonans spoke loud and clear last election when they overwhelmingly approved Prop 139. Yet extremists in the state legislature continuously target and stigmatize health care professionals and health centers at the expense of the health and well-being of Arizona’s already-vulnerable communities,” said Planned Parenthood Advocates of Arizona Interim President and CEO, April Donovan, in a statement. “We made clear this legislative session that HB 2547 is unpopular among voters and completely misleading – the bill was stalled and should not be revived.”

Diaz disagreed with the idea that the legislation would restrict health care services.

“There’s still going to be services provided. And for the low income, there’s going to be plenty of medical availability for them,” he said. “They just can’t perform abortions or promote them.”

Diaz originally said on X on June 26 that he was going to bring back the bill after the U.S. Supreme Court ruled in Medina v. Planned Parenthood South Atlantic case that a private citizen couldn’t sue South Carolina for excluding Planned Parenthood from receiving state Medicaid funding.

Although the ruling allows South Carolina to move forward with its plans, it still doesn’t address the legality of removing government funding from clinics that perform abortions, said James G. Hodge Jr., the Peter Kiewit Foundation professor of law and director of the Center for Public Health Law and Policy at Arizona State University’s Sandra Day O’Connor College of Law.

“They did not make any statement about whether South Carolina’s maneuver here was actually legally sound,” Hodge said. “We still don’t know exactly whether or not that will fly with the U.S. Supreme Court. They have not clarified that. My best guess is they will probably allow it.”

Arizona is one of 38 states with laws that restrict the use of public resources for abortions to varying degrees, according to data compiled in November 2022 by Temple University’s Center for Public Health Law Research. 

Most of the state policies mirror federal law by restricting funding for abortions except for emergencies.

States have intensified efforts to limit abortions since the Supreme Court reversed Roe v. Wade and withdrew the constitutional right to an abortion in 2022, Hodge said.

However, Diaz’s bill might face obstacles with Democratic Gov. Katie Hobbs, who has expressed her support for protecting abortion rights and women’s healthcare.

But that still won’t deter Diaz, who referred to Prop. 139 as a “special interest initiative.”

“I believe in good and evil,” he said. “And this was nothing but evil.”

Ciscomani voted to defund Planned Parenthood and gut Medicaid, let’s hold him accountable

Athena Salman

Last week, Rep. Juan Ciscomani voted to defund Planned Parenthood and gut AHCCCS, Arizona’s Medicaid program — all so that billionaires can enjoy bigger tax breaks. 

The GOP bill, which was signed into law by President Trump on July 4, will force 13.7 million people nationwide off their health care coverage. Here in Arizona, 2 million people stand to lose their health care coverage — including 186,000 people in Ciscomani’s district. 

That’s 186,000 of Ciscomani’s own constituents that he happily sent to the wolves. 

If that’s not bad enough, this law will also close 200 Planned Parenthood clinics nationwide. Planned Parenthood is Arizona’s largest nonprofit reproductive health care provider. Without it, many Arizonans would have nowhere to go for health care like birth control, cancer screenings, and STI treatment and testing. 

The truth is Ciscomani has betrayed hundreds of thousands of Arizonans by voting for this budget. And he knows it, too. 

That’s why he’s been refusing to meet with his outraged constituents. He knows that this wildly unpopular budget will devastate our families and communities. And it’s especially bad for pregnant women and their families. 

About 50% of births in Arizona are covered by Arizona’s Medicaid program called AHCCCS. Put bluntly, Ciscomani’s plan to cut Medicaid would result in more Arizona mothers dying preventable deaths. 

We can’t afford that in a state where maternal mortality rates quadrupled in the past two decades. 

To make matters worse, this budget will close hospitals in parts of the state where health care is already limited. Small hospitals that serve rural Arizonans — known as Critical Access Hospitals — are often the only health care provider within miles. 

In an emergency, every minute matters. With this budget now being law, these hospitals will close, and the lives of rural Arizonans will hang in the balance. 

The reality is we need Medicaid to keep our families and communities healthy and thriving. And Planned Parenthood is just as important —1 in 3 women have been to a Planned Parenthood in their lifetime. The majority of Americans see Planned Parenthood as a trusted provider. 

These programs need to be protected — not put on the chopping block. But that’s exactly what Republicans are doing. And instead of facing voters, they’ve resorted to hiding and lying.

Rep. Ciscomani doesn’t have the nerve to meet with his constituents, but he had the nerve to post on social media that the budget he voted for will “strengthen” Medicaid. He is also trying to pretend that he is a champion for protecting Medicaid — these are bold-faced lies. 

A Congressional Budget Office (CBO) analysis found that Republicans’ budget would cut Americans’ health benefits, kick them off of their health insurance, and slash payments to providers that are already struggling to stay open. 

And it’s not just Ciscomani who knows the truth. Months ago, Rep. David Schweikert, another Arizona Republican, knew that this bill was so bad for Arizonans, he called it “immoral.” But when push came to shove, neither he nor Ciscomani did anything to stop this wicked bill from becoming law. 

Ciscomani needs to be reminded that he answers to us, the people who elected him — not billionaires who only care about deepening their pockets. 

Ciscomani had the chance to protect our health care, but he ignored us in order to prioritize billionaires. 

He will face us in November 2026 when we vote him out of office.

Athena Salman is Reproductive Freedom for All director of Arizona campaigns.

US Supreme Court ruling could impact Planned Parenthood in Arizona

Key Points:
  • Supreme Court ruling revives debate over Arizona abortion law
  • Planned Parenthood funding tied to broader abortion fight
  • Legal challenge needed to lift enforcement injunction

A new ruling on June 26 by the U.S. Supreme Court could pave the way for Arizona to finally enforce an existing state law that denies funds for Planned Parenthood.

But it’s unlikely to be automatic.

That 2012 Arizona statute spells out that Planned Parenthood is ineligible to get paid for services it provides for any service it provides to Medicaid patients, including health care, breast exams, family planning and treatment for sexually transmitted diseases, simply because it also provides abortions. Planned Parenthood sued.

A federal judge blocked enforcement. The 9th Circuit Court of Appeals upheld that ruling. And in 2014, the U.S. Supreme Court refused to disturb that decision.

But the law remains on the books.

What makes that significant is that the current members of the nation’s high court voted 6-3 to uphold a similar South Carolina restriction against Medicaid funds for Planned Parenthood, this one enacted by an executive order by Gov. Henry McMaster.

Strictly speaking, neither the unenforced but still in the statutes Arizona law nor the South Carolina regulation is about abortion. In fact, federal law already bars the use of Medicaid funds for elective abortions.

But the issue is whether lawmakers can decide to deny any organization that provides abortion from payment for other Medicaid services.

In blocking the enforcement of the 2012 Arizona law, U.S. District Court Judge Neil Wake said that it is beyond the power of the state. He said those enrolled in the Medicaid program are entitled to choose where they get their non-abortion services.

“The Arizona act violates the freedom of choice provision of the Medicaid Act precisely because every Medicaid beneficiary has the right to select any qualified health care provider,” the judge wrote.

More to the point, Wake’s injunction remains in place to this day. And the only way to overturn that now would be for someone to file legal papers to dissolve it.

But Rep. Justin Olson, R-Mesa, who crafted the original 2012 law, said he is working to find someone to do that.

That may not be as simple as it sounds.

Olson said that does not include the Republican-controlled Legislature. But he said legislative lawyers believe the attorney general does have that right.

An aide to Attorney General Kris Mayes said her office is reviewing the Supreme Court ruling “to understand its implications, if any, for Arizona law.”

But Mayes is unlikely to move to reinstate the 2012 law: She has consistently refused to defend any law she said she believes affects the ability of Arizonans to terminate a pregnancy.

Olson said, however, any of the 15 county attorneys also appear to have a right to resurrect the issue. And he told Capitol Media Services he will be reaching out to some of them to see if they will pick up the case.

There are some clear parallels between the South Carolina case and the rulings blocking the Arizona law.

The South Carolina case involved not a statute but an executive order issued in 2018 by Gov. McMaster declaring that any nonprofit organization or practitioner that offers abortions can no longer participate in the state’s Medicaid program.

That drew a lawsuit by Planned Parenthood and Julie Edwards, who had been a patient there.

She said she needed Medicaid coverage but preferred that organization for her gynecological care. Edwards argued that McMaster’s order violates the requirements in federal law that Medicaid patients can get care from “any qualified provider to perform the service.”

A trial judge and appeals court agreed with her. But Supreme Court Justice Neil Gorsuch, writing June 26 for the majority, said Edwards had no right to sue in the first place.

“Deciding whether to permit private enforcement poses delicate policy questions involving competing costs and benefits — decisions for elected representatives, not judges,” he wrote.

McMaster declared it a victory.

“Seven years ago, we took a stand to protect the sanctity of life and defend South Carolina’s authority and values – and today, we are finally victorious,” he said. “The legality of my executive order prohibiting taxpayer dollars from being used to fund abortion providers like Planned Parenthood has been affirmed by the highest court in the land.”

Olson said what was behind his 2012 legislation directly parallels the reason McMaster issued his executive order.

“It will protect taxpayers from having to fund something a large portion of society views as morally wrong,” he said. And Olson said it’s irrelevant that Planned Parenthood already can’t use Medicaid funds for abortions.

“If we’re funding an organization that is providing elective abortions, then we are providing an opportunity for those organizations to exist and continue to provide those elective abortions,” he said.

“The concern is that there is an indirect subsidy with tax dollars for the elective abortions they’re providing,” Olson said. “And that’s what this would prohibit from occurring.”

There’s another reason that the Supreme Court ruling does not immediately reinvigorate the 2012 Arizona law. That’s because, technically, the decision applies only to the South Carolina regulation. It does not by itself overturn Wake’s ruling.

It does, however, provide what Olson said is needed to file new pleadings to force a federal judge — not Wake, as he is now retired — to reconsider his ruling and dissolve the injunction.

But even with the ruling applying only to South Carolina, it’s not just Olson who believes that the ruling has nationwide implications. Alexis McGill Johnson, president and CEO of Planned Parenthood Federation of America, acknowledged in a statement that she fears the ruling could lead other states to pursue similar restrictions.

And there’s something else.

It also comes as the Trump administration already is moving to withhold federal family planning funds from several Planned Parenthood organizations across the country. And the budget now being debated by Congress contains a provision to defund Planned Parenthood.

GOP bill banning public funding for clinics connected to abortion advances

Republican lawmakers are advancing a bill that would prohibit the state from providing public funding to facilities and clinics that perform or promote abortions.

Arizona already doesn’t allow public funding for most abortions except for emergencies, but House Bill 2547 would expand the law to prevent the state from entering into a contract or providing grants to any person or facility that provides or advises clients to seek an abortion.

The bill passed the Senate Government Committee along party lines on March 19 and is awaiting a hearing from the Senate Rules Committee.

Supporters of the bill acknowledged that voters approved Proposition 139 last fall, which enshrines the right to an abortion in the state Constitution. But they say taxpayer money shouldn’t fund facilities that advertise the procedure as a viable option for unwanted pregnancies.

“The crux of this whole issue is whether the taxpayer should be paying for that promotion,” said U.S. Rep Andy Biggs, R-Ariz., who testified at the March 19 hearing in support of the bill. “So if you’re defining promotion as someone going in and being referred to a specific specialist for medical care, in this instance, there is no rationale that says that the public should have to be paying for that,” the congressman said.

Medical professionals and abortion-rights groups faulted the bill for attempting to circumvent Proposition 139. They also said the legislation could limit access to health care options, affect low income people who rely on publicly funded clinics for reproductive health care and potentially violate the First Amendment.

“If a doctor refers someone to get an abortion or even talks about it as an option, then now they can’t receive Medicaid reimbursement for services,” said Jeanne Woodbury, a lobbyist for Planned Parenthood Advocates of Arizona. “If an emergency room saves someone’s life by providing an emergency abortion, that whole hospital could be defunded.”

That could lead to the closure of facilities that provide abortions and other health care.

“It’s a way to sort of literally drain an abortion provider of all public funds, such that their operational status remains or really becomes contentious,” said James G. Hodge Jr., the Peter Kiewit Foundation professor of law at Arizona State University, and director of the ASU’s Center for Public Health Law and Policy at the Sandra Day O’Connor College of Law. 

The legislation is reflective of an ongoing national trend as several states across the country have sought to restrict abortions and defund organizations such as Planned Parenthood.

States have been looking to limit abortions for decades but the efforts have intensified since the U.S. Supreme Court reversed Roe v. Wade and withdrew the constitutional right to an abortion in 2022, Hodge said.

“During the era of which we’ve seen with the Dobbs case in 2022 and the … Supreme Court withdrawal of that constitutional right to abortion, we have definitely seen an uptake of additional states, like Arizona, seeking to fully restrict considerable use of public funds for any such provision,” he said.

According to data compiled by Temple University’s Center for Public Health Law Research, 37 states currently have laws that restrict the use of public resources for abortions to varying degrees. Most of the state policies mirror federal law restricting funding for abortions except for emergencies.

However, the proposed Arizona bill is following the lead of a similar South Carolina law that’s currently being debated in the U.S. Supreme Court.

The Supreme Court on April 2 was scheduled to hear oral arguments for Medina v. Planned Parenthood, which could determine whether South Carolina can exclude Planned Parenthood from receiving state Medicaid funding. In 2018, that state’s governor, Henry McMaster, ordered its Department of Health and Human Services to terminate Medicaid enrollment agreements with clinics providing abortion services.

“The outcome of that could dictate what happens here with this House bill,” Hodge said.

Arizona Abortion-rights groups are hoping the bill doesn’t make it that far.

In a statement released last month after the Senate Government Committee approved the bill, Erika Mach, chief external affairs officer of Planned Parenthood Advocates of Arizona, said, “It attempts to silence and gut funding for Planned Parenthood Arizona and other health care organizations just for providing abortion care – while in actuality, defunding essential, preventive reproductive health care, like birth control, cancer screenings, wellness exams, STI testing and treatment, and more. 

Governor Hobbs must veto this extremist legislation and put a stop to this dangerous effort to continue to chip away at our constitutional right to abortion.”

Planned Parenthood searches for new target among Arizona abortion restrictions

With the state’s 15-week abortion law now overturned, Planned Parenthood is now deciding what remaining restrictions to target next in court.

Erika Mach, the chief external affairs officer of Planned Parenthood, said on Tuesday that there are a number of laws that her organization believes are no longer valid in the wake of voter approval in November of Proposition 139.

That measure enshrined a “fundamental right” to terminate a pregnancy in the Arizona Constitution. And it was cited by Maricopa County Superior Court Judge Frank Moskowitz just a week ago when he declared that a statutory limit of 15 weeks on abortion could no longer be enforced.

But dozens of other restrictions remain on the books. And Mach said lawyers for Planned Parenthood Advocates, the lobbying and legal arm of the organization, are combing through them now to determine which are ripe for legal challenge.

One likely candidate is a statute that requires women wait for 24 hours between seeking the procedure and it actually being performed. Mach said there is no medical reason for that delay.

She also pointed to requirements in the existing law that require abortion providers to report details on pregnant women in the state. Gov. Katie Hobbs already asked lawmakers in December to repeal all that, calling it “government surveillance” of medical decisions.

So far, though, not a single measure to end abortion restrictions or reporting has advanced in the Republican-controlled Legislature. In fact, GOP lawmakers are moving in the opposite direction, proposing new regulations and seeking to deny funding for Planned Parenthood for the non-abortion services it also provides to patients, like birth control and testing for sexually transmitted infections.

And with legislation to repeal existing laws stalled, that pretty much leaves litigation as the only option.

Key to all of this is the scope of Prop 139.

On one hand, it bars the state from adopting or enforcing any law or regulation that denies, restricts or interferes with right to terminate a pregnancy prior to fetal viability “unless justified by a compelling state interest that is achieved by the least restrictive means.”

The constitutional amendment does give lawmakers some additional latitude to regulate abortions in cases of abortion after viability, generally considered between 22 and 24 weeks. But that is overridden if a treating health care professional determines that the procedure is necessary to protect the life or physical or mental health of the pregnant individual.

But Mach said there appears to be some existing laws that clearly fall outside the role of what the initiative preserves as the power of legislators to regulate.

“We have over 40 restrictions still on the books,” she said.

“This includes the 24-hour waiting period, reporting restrictions, tele-health ban, et cetera, all unnecessary restrictions that just don’t allow people to gain full access to abortion care,” Mach said. “So we are evaluating with partners and the Planned Parenthood Federation so that we can strategically move forward.”

That waiting period and the prohibition against tele-health abortion care, she said, have a particular impact on those who live outside the main population areas where Planned Parenthood or others have staff to provide abortion services.

Mach said that there is no reason for a woman to have to personally visit a doctor to get a prescription for mifepristone, a medication used to terminate a pregnancy in the first 10 weeks. She said a woman should be able to have a remote consultation with a doctor — and have only one visit — before being sent the drugs.

Yet this comes as the Republican-controlled House voted a week ago to impose even more restrictions on medication induced abortions.

Approved on a party-line vote, HB2681 would require doctors to independently — and personally — verify a pregnancy exists, determine the patient’s blood type, impose new documentation requirements and inform the patient “of possible physical and psychological aftereffects” of the drug. That measure by Rep. Rachel Keshel, R-Tucson, now awaits Senate action.

“It is absurd that we are still voting on bills to restrict access to your reproductive rights when the voters spoke so loud and clear in November,” said Rep. Stephanie Stahl Hamilton. The Tucson Democrat said these are the kind of bills that she expects the governor to put “where they belong.”

Gubernatorial press aide Christian Slater said Hobbs has not specifically reviewed this legislation, but he said his boss has made it clear that she will refuse to sign any measure that she believes restricts the right of women to have an abortion.

Republican lawmakers pushing bills to chip away at voter-approved right to abortion

Republican lawmakers are advancing what could be a head-on challenge to the options women have under the newly approved constitutional amendment guaranteeing a fundamental right to terminate a pregnancy.

And a separate GOP bill awaiting a House vote would undermine state funding for health clinics if their staffers even mention to patients that they have the legal option of abortion.

On a party-line vote, members of the House Judiciary Committee on Feb. 19 approved legislation that would impose new requirements and restrictions on the use of abortion-inducing drugs. These range from requiring a physician to first examine the patient to blood tests and scheduling a follow-up visit.

Rep. Rachel Keshel, the sponsor of HB2681, did not show up to testify at the hearing to explain her legislation or the need for it. The Tucson Republican also did not return messages seeking comment.

Instead, lawmakers heard from Maura Rodriguez from Arizona Right to Life who said she used to work for Planned Parenthood and related stories of women who were given bad advice or no advice at all.

And Grace Hertz told legislators about other women who she said had problems, including bleeding, after using the pills.

Rep. Rachel Keshel

But Keshel has made no secret she wants to undo Proposition 139.

She argues that voters made a mistake and, she contends, were misled when they approved the initiative in November by a 3-2 margin. Keshel already is sponsoring a measure to ask voters to partially repeal the constitutional amendment in 2026.

This proposal, however, takes a different tack. It seeks to impose the new restrictions despite the explicit language and prohibitions in Proposition 139 in further legislative restrictions.

Arizona law already spells out that only doctors may provide abortion-inducing drugs. There also are requirements for things like ensuring patients have given informed consent and reporting requirements.

The legality of none of these have been tested since approval of Prop 139.

Despite that, Keshel’s HB2681 seeks to impose even more requirements, including that the doctor independently verify a pregnancy exists, new documentation requirements, determine the patient’s blood type and inform the patient “of possible physical and psychological aftereffects” of the drug.

But Jodi Liggett, lobbyist for Reproductive Freedom for All, contends the state can’t do that.

“In November, Arizona voters approved Proposition 139, enshrining a constitutional right to abortion,” she said.

What it also does, Liggett reminded lawmakers, is spell out that this is a fundamental right prior to the point of fetal viability. And what that means, according to the language that voters approved, is the state cannot deny, restrict or interfere with that right “unless justified by a compelling state interest that is achieved by the least restrictive means.”

“We believe that these restrictions violate the constitution,” she said.

Rep. Quang Nguyen, who chairs the panel, was not convinced. He pointed out that the two individuals who spoke in favor of the bill said that women were not given directions, told stories about others who had suffered bleeding, and that some people received the drugs through the mail.

“I can’t speak to an individual experience,” Liggett responded.

She said, though, that the state already regulates the practice of medicine, just as the Food and Drug Administration of drugs. And Liggett said when the protocols are followed, more than 300 studies have shown the medications are safe.

And the stories told to lawmakers?

“Of course, it’s a tragedy when someone falls into that less than one-third of 1 percent” who have complications, she said.

All that, however, still leaves the question of how much latitude lawmakers have to impose new restrictions given the language of Proposition 139.

“Arizonans spoke loud and clear last election when they overwhelmingly approved Proposition 139,” said Erika Mach. She is a lobbyist for Planned Parenthood Advocates of Arizona, the political arm of the organization.

“Yet this Republican-controlled state legislature is continuing to introduce and advance legislation that amends and dismantles this newly founded constitutional right to abortion,” Mach said.

In fact, she contends that some of the laws that  already were on the books before the November vote are themselves now illegal.

That, Mach said, specifically includes a ban on telemedicine, instead requiring women to have a face-to-face visit with a doctor to obtain the abortion drug. Also overruled, she argues, are requirements for a 24-hour waiting period, what she called “unnecessary ultrasounds,” and a requirement that medication abortions be done only by doctors and not specially trained clinicians.

And then there’s that ban on the mailing of medication abortions.

So far the only challenge that has been filed alleging a conflict with Prop 139 is to the state’s 15-week limit on abortions. Planned Parenthood and others filed suit in December seeking a ruling that it is no longer enforceable and their staffers cannot be prosecuted for abortions beyond that point because of the language in the initiative.

Maricopa County Superior Court Judge Frank Moskowitz has yet to rule on the request.

Keshel’s bill isn’t the only bid by GOP lawmakers to restrict abortions, at least indirectly.

Arizona law already bars the use of state dollars to perform abortions. That prohibition of state funds also applies to any person who performs abortions as well as anyone who operates a facility where abortions are performed.

Now the House is set to consider a bill that would deny state dollars to any individual who even just “promotes” abortions.

There is no definition in HB2547 of what that means. But Liggett told members of the House Government Committee, which was hearing that measure, that it would defund clinics that provide other reproductive and health care services just because they inform women that they are legally entitled to terminate a pregnancy.

“We think this is dangerous for the patient,” she said. What it also would do, said Liggett, is endanger funding for clinics that don’t provide abortions but do provide services like family planning, contraception and treatment of sexually transmitted diseases, and do tell patients of their rights.

This isn’t just about grants to those clinics.

Dr. Julie Kwatra, a Scottsdale obstetrician and gynecologist, said it also could endanger the ability of doctors to get reimbursement for routine services for patients who are in the state’s Medicaid program simply because they tell some about the option to terminate a pregnancy.

Rep. Lupe Diaz

But Rep. Lupe Diaz who is the sponsor of the legislation told colleagues that the approval of Proposition 139 proves to him there is no need for any state dollars to go to anyone who even promotes abortion.

“The abortion industry has a ton of money already,” said the Benson Republican.

“They were able to fund 139 with monies coming in from out of state, from throughout the nation, and probably outside of the nation,” he said. “We have some big players out there that want to just kill babies and that kind of stuff.”

Campaign finance reports show supporters of the ballot measure spent more than $33 million. That includes $4.7 million from The Fairness Project, which supports abortion ballot measures in multiple states, $3.25 million from the Advocacy Action Fund and $3 million from Planned Parenthood Action Fund.

There is no evidence of international donations.

The 4-3 vote in the committee came even after Marilyn Rodriguez, a lobbyist for Planned Parenthood Advocates, informed each of the lawmakers on the panel that Proposition 139 was approved by voters in each of their legislative districts.

For example, she said, 95,000 residents of LD 17, which Keshel represents, supported the initiative. By contrast, Rodriguez said, Keshel herself got just 71,000 votes.

“Your voters support abortion,” she told lawmakers, asking them to “respect their constitutional rights and vote ‘no.’ ”

Keshel, for her part, said she sides with Diaz, citing figures that Planned Parenthood nationally received close to $998 million in private donations in the 2022-2023 cycle.

“People like us, who do not support abortions, I don’t want a single penny of my taxpayer dollars going to that,” she said. “Planned Parenthood is doing just fine with donations from people who do support that.”

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