Please ensure Javascript is enabled for purposes of website accessibility

Arizona House Republicans appoint Grant Hanna as new chief of staff

Key points:
  • Arizona House of Representatives hires Grant Hanna as new chief of staff
  • Hanna replaces long-time chief Michael Hunter who resigned early last year
  • House Speaker Steve Montenegro aims to strengthen policy team with new hires

For the first time in nearly a decade, the Arizona House of Representatives will enter the legislative session with a new chief of staff for the majority party. 

House Republicans will enter the session with Grant Hanna as their new chief of staff after recently serving as deputy chief of staff in the Senate. Hanna, hired in July, replaced Michael Hunter, who resigned from the position last session after more than 8 years in the role. 

Doug Cole, the chief operating officer at HighGround Public Affairs Consultants and a former top staffer at the Arizona House of Representatives, said Hunter’s tenure as chief of staff was unique because he was the top staffer for five different speakers dating back to 2016. 

“It doesn’t matter what party you’re a member of or hold allegiance to, just the mere fact he had been there for so long with so many speakers, that does create a vacuum,” Cole said. 

Hunter resigned from House majority staff to accept a position as the chief operating officer of the adoptive and foster care nonprofit Christian Family Care’s in February 2025, shortly after the legislative session started. 

House Speaker Steve Montenegro told the Arizona Capitol Times in July that hiring Hanna was an opportunity for Republicans to strengthen their policy team with talent. 

House Republicans faced criticism from other state leaders during the 2025 session for holding up budget discussions, including Senate President Warren Petersen, who said at the end of last session that the House held up sine die by two months amid negotiations. 

“There are areas that we need to strengthen,” Montenegro said. “There are areas that we want to continue to be better at and not just better, but complementary. There are areas that can and should be complemented with talent.” 

Hanna, who brings more than a decade of experience from the Senate, has built a strong reputation among legislators and lobbyists. He started in the Senate as a research analyst and eventually worked his way to deputy chief of staff for four years before becoming the chief of staff at the House of Representatives.

“He’s been the number two for a long time. He’s worked his way up from the basement up to the second floor offices.” Cole said of Hanna. “The institution as a whole, in my opinion, will be well served by Grant’s knowledge and leadership skills.”

Montenegro said Hanna’s experience and his respect for the institution were some of the things he valued most about his new chief of staff.

“His style is something I appreciate. It matches my own where we want to hear what others have to say. We want people to feel respected and we want to uphold the values of that institution so that Arizona has the best government available and possible,” Montenegro said.

Matt Specht briefly filled in as the House majority chief of staff following Hunter’s resignation. With Hanna stepping in as chief of staff, Specht was promoted to chief operating officer and leads the day-to-day functions of the House. 

The speaker also had to replace former Deputy Chief of Staff and General Counsel Linley Wilson, who in October joined the law firm Holtzman Vogel as a partner. Replacing Wilson is Kelsey Jahntz, who has been promoted from director of policy to deputy chief of staff. 

The House also hired Robyn Poole as general counsel and former Holtzman Vogel Associate Daniel Tilleman as deputy general counsel. Poole has spent more than a decade working as an attorney in the private sector and various levels of government, including the Attorney General’s Office, the Arizona Corporation Commission and the city of Phoenix. 

Meet Arizona’s Power 50

Welcome to the inaugural Power 50.

These are the state’s most important people — those who hold the power and wield the influence to shape the landscape of Arizona now and in the future. From legislative leaders and behind-the-scenes strategists to business moguls and grassroots changemakers, this inaugural list goes beyond titles to spotlight the individuals who make things happen. Whether they wield power from the Capitol, a courtroom, the halls of higher education — or sometimes from the shadows — these are the players to watch.

While this is by no means an exhaustive ranking of Arizona’s most impactful leaders, this list serves as a reference point and highlights those actively steering the political agenda. We hope it sparks discussion about Arizona’s future.

But you shouldn’t get too caught up in the rankings. The difference between No. 14 and No. 35 probably isn’t really that great.

This list will evolve annually. As a reader, you can be a part of it. Liked the direction we went in? Let us know. Didn’t see someone you believe should be on the list? Tell us about them.

We look forward to continuing to engage with you on these and other key players — and issues — shaping the state.

Thank you for reading the Arizona Capitol Times.

Teri Hayt, Managing Editor. 

 

  1. (AP Photo/Ross D. Franklin)

    Gov. Katie Hobbs: As the first Democrat elected governor of Arizona in nearly two decades, Hobbs has ushered the state through a new era of divided government. While sparring with the Republican-controlled Legislature over the last three years, she broke the state’s veto record twice, narrowly avoided a historic government shutdown and managed to see a few of her own priorities cross the finish line. Hobbs, a frequent punching bag for Republicans, is celebrated by fellow Democrats for signing a repeal of the state’s near-total abortion ban, quashing the most extreme Republican legislation and increasing access to health care and other essential services. The governor will lead the top of the ticket for Democrats in the state in 2026 when she seeks a second and final term on the ninth floor.

 

  1. Attorney General Kris Mayes: As the state’s chief law enforcement officer, Mayes stands as a Democratic bastion and counterweight to state and federal Republican policy. Since taking office in 2023, her focus has remained steady on enforcing stronger consumer protections, combating the fentanyl crisis, and targeting fraud in the state school choice program. Mayes has waded into, or decidedly stepped out of, political battles. After she refused to defend the state’s 15-week abortion law, the courts struck it down as unconstitutional. She also initiated the prosecution of the 2020 “alternate” presidential electors and is pursuing novel water litigation using public nuisance law. At the federal level, her office joined more than two dozen lawsuits against the Trump administration and saved the state an estimated $1.5 billion in federal funds. She is seeking reelection in 2026. 

 

  1. President Donald Trump: When Trump returned to the White House last November, Arizona was one of the key states to deliver him a victory. His influence was evident in the policies proposed by state Republican lawmakers, who reiterated their support for the president throughout the last legislative session. And Republican lawmakers have shaped much of their policies around his agenda, including bills calling for state law enforcement agencies to support federal immigration enforcement efforts, ending diversity, equity and inclusion initiatives at universities and government agencies and reducing the size of government.

 

  1. Sen. Warren Petersen: Petersen, R-Gilbert, is preparing for his last legislative session as Senate president before he embarks on his campaign for state attorney general. On the campaign trail, he has touted his conservative bona fides and involvement in more than 80 lawsuits, prompting some to refer to him as the “de facto” attorney general. Petersen has either led or joined legal action in numerous issues, including the drafting of the state’s Election Procedures Manual, the Arizona Motion Picture Production Program and litigation over Arizona’s Save Women’s Sports Act. Petersen has also helped lead the Republican effort to advance President Donald Trump’s agenda at the state Legislature and has met with members of the president’s administration in the last session.

 

  1. Rep. Steve Montenegro: As one of the most experienced members of the Arizona Legislature, Rep. Montenegro, R-Goodyear, was elected by his Republican colleagues as House Speaker for the 2025 and 2026 legislative sessions. Montenegro was first elected to the Arizona House in 2008 and served in the chamber until 2017, when he unsuccessfully ran for Congress in a special election in 2018. He returned to the Legislature in 2023 and became the state’s first Latino speaker. Despite some close calls in his first session as speaker, Montenegro has led the chamber to a bipartisan budget and ensured Arizona’s Division of Developmental Disabilities received emergency funding to keep services available for about 60,000 Arizonans.

 

  1. Secretary of State Adrian Fontes: Fontes rode in on a blue wave in 2022 to continue a legacy of Democratic control at the Secretary of State’s Office that began with Gov. Katie Hobbs’ in 2019. A widely-respected elections expert, having steered Arizona’s largest county through the contentious and unprecedented 2020 election cycle during his time as Maricopa County recorder, Fontes uses his unapologetic air and commanding voice to fend off challenges to the security and effectiveness of Arizona’s election system. Known for his political ambitions, he has contemplated runs for governor and Congress in the last year, but will run for reelection in 2026 alongside the other top Democrats in the state.

 

  1. (Gage Skidmore/Flickr)

    Superintendent of Public Instruction Tom Horne: A seasoned politician, Horne returned to the Arizona Department of Education in 2023 as superintendent after serving in the same position from 2003 to 2011 and serving as attorney general between 2010 and 2015. He took the helm at the dawn of the universal expansion of the Empowerment Scholarship Account program — the state’s school choice program, which has grown to more than 90,000 enrollees from around 12,000. Horne has trained the department to focus on ensuring greater academic outcomes and stronger school safety — chiefly by deploying more armed police officers on school campuses. He’s come back to familiar crusades from his first term, too. He litigated to ensure that students learning English are taught in English and serves as the current presidential administration’s muscle in enforcing the ban on diversity, equity and inclusion and critical race theory. As he looks ahead to his next term, Horne will face Republican Treasurer Kimberly Yee to keep his seat. 

 

  1. Michael Crow: While many see the president of Arizona State University since 2002 as simply the leader of the state’s largest public university, some see him for what he really is — the unofficial king of Tempe, Arizona. Under his leadership, ASU campuses in Tempe and beyond have evolved into some of the most innovative public universities in the United States. His vision has not only significantly expanded ASU’s enrollment but also increased its impact on Arizona’s economy, workforce development and global reputation. Crow has championed university partnerships with local industries and governments, aligning ASU’s programs with Arizona’s economic needs in its technology, sustainability and health care sectors. In 2024 alone, the university reported a $6.1 billion impact on the Arizona economy. Beyond academia, Crow has been an influential voice in Arizona’s public policy, science and education reform. His forward-thinking leadership continues to shape the state’s educational and economic landscape, making him a key figure for the state’s continued growth and progress. 

 

  1. U.S. Sen. Ruben Gallego: Gallego became the first Latino to represent Arizona in the Senate after he was elected in November 2024. Gallego has sought to make a national impact since taking office and he spent considerable portions of 2025 travelling to Pennsylvania, Iowa and New Hampshire to support other Democratic candidates, engage with voters and discuss the issues facing the Democratic Party. The national spotlight has fueled rumors of a 2028 presidential run. His high-profile Senate committee assignments reflect his commitment to border security, energy, housing and Arizona’s veterans, ensuring he remains an influential voice within the national conversation on these important state and national issues. A U.S. Marine Corps combat veteran, he has advocated for Medicaid expansion, veterans’ issues and protecting the state’s water supply throughout his legislative career.

 

  1. U.S. Sen. Mark Kelly: Not to be confused with his twin brother and astronaut Scott Kelly, Arizona’s senior senator has made his own meteoric rise through the Democratic Party after first being elected to the Senate in 2020. Briefly rumored to be Kamala Harris’s 2024 running mate, Kelly was a key bipartisan voice in the $52 billion CHIPS and Science Act in 2022 that brought many microchip manufacturing jobs to Arizona. He has now set his sights on congressional reforms, including banning stock trading by members of Congress and ending corporate political action committees.

 

  1. Erika Kirk (Gage Skidmore/Flickr)

    Erika Kirk: Kirk has emerged as an influential figure in Arizona following the death of her husband, Charlie Kirk. After his assassination, she was unanimously appointed CEO and chair of Turning Point USA, one of the most influential conservative youth organizations in the country. Her leadership now carries not only political significance but also emotional and symbolic weight as she steps into the public eye amid national attention and personal loss. A former Miss Arizona USA raised in Scottsdale, Erika Kirk has long-standing ties to the state. Her influence is rooted not just in politics, but in faith-based media, where she has built a platform around Christian values and conservative messaging. With Turning Point’s national headquarters based in Phoenix, her leadership places Arizona at the center of a growing youth political movement. She is now seen as a unifying and strategic voice for a major segment of conservative America.

 

  1. Charlie Kirk (Gage Skidmore/Flickr)

    Charlie Kirk (posthumously): Republican candidates and conservative activists in Arizona who align with the youth-MAGA/Turning Point ecosystem still benefit from the network that Charlie Kirk helped build. Kirk’s work, as founder of Turning Point USA, a nonprofit that advocates for conservative politics on high school, college and university campuses, helped propel young conservative and Christian students at Arizona’s universities to mobilize, register and debate in favor of conservative politics and has played an undeniable role in solidifying Arizona as an important battleground state for national political debate. That influence has forced Democrat and moderate campaigns across the state to rethink their political strategy to account for this new, highly mobilized Republican base. And while the dynamic has changed since Kirk’s passing, the institutional momentum he created through youth chapters, activist culture and voter registration drives has only been emboldened by a new symbolic memorialization of his politics and character among his supporters. 

 

  1. (Gage Skidmore/Flickr)

    Kimberley Yee: Approaching eight years as head of the Treasurer’s office, Yee has maintained steadfast control while growing the state’s cash reserves. Since being elected in 2018, she has doubled assets under management to $30.2 billion from $15.4 billion. She oversaw a record high in total distributions, boasting $6 billion since taking office. Under her tenure, she’s also seen the Permanent Land Endowment Trust Fund increase by about $4 billion. Yee was the first Chinese American Republican woman to win statewide office, the first Asian American woman elected to the Arizona Legislature and the second woman to serve as Senate Majority Leader. Now, Yee looks to lodge a challenge against incumbent Superintendent Tom Horne.

 

  1. (Gage Skidmore/Flickr)

    Sen. T.J. Shope: Shope, R-Coolidge, sponsored one of the few bills passed into law on June 30 that sought to address two of the state’s biggest issues — water conservation and housing development. The Ag-to-Urban legislation, which garnered bipartisan support, will allow farmers to sell agricultural land and the accompanying water rights to developers to boost the state’s housing supply and preserve groundwater. Shope, who serves as chair of the Senate Natural Resources committee, has been a vocal advocate for the Colorado River negotiations and for ensuring Arizona isn’t shortchanged during the discussions. 

 

  1. Sen. Jake Hoffman: As chairman of the Senate Director Nominations Committee and the Arizona Freedom Caucus, Hoffman, R-Queen Creek, has emerged as one of the most influential Republicans in the Legislature. Hoffman’s leadership of the nominations committee has put him at odds with Democratic Gov. Katie Hobbs. The committee has rejected several of Hobbs’ agency director nominees, although more were approved this past session. As Freedom Caucus chair, Hoffman has recruited and endorsed a number of Republican candidates for state and national offices and wields considerable influence within the party.

 

  1. Rep. Julie Willoughby: After being appointed by the Maricopa County Board of Supervisors to the Statehouse to replace expelled lawmaker Liz Harris in 2023, Willoughby, R-Chandler, has quickly climbed the ranks of the House GOP caucus. When House lawmakers were running out of time to address a funding shortfall for the Division of Developmental Disabilities this year, Willoughby was among the lawmakers advocating for Arizonans who depended on the program, going against a House GOP proposal that was vetoed by the governor and working with House Democrats to find a solution just days before funding expired. Willoughby is now running for the state Senate next year and has positioned herself as one of the most influential lawmakers at the Legislature.

 

  1. U.S. Rep. Andy Biggs: With eight-years of experience in a deep-red Congressional District 5, Biggs officially jumped into Arizona’s gubernatorial race earlier this year. The congressman quickly picked up an endorsement from Trump and the late leader of Turning Point USA, Charlie Kirk. Biggs is a former leader of the Congressional Freedom Caucus and a member of the powerful House Judiciary and Oversight Committee. He also brings state legislative chops to the table, having served in the Legislature for 14 years, including as Senate President for four of those years. 

 

  1. U.S. Rep. Yassamin Ansari: Arizona’s youngest representative in Congress is already having an impact in D.C. Ansari was named the president of the House Democratic freshman class at the beginning of the 119th U.S. Congress after she narrowly emerged from Arizona’s 2024 Democratic primary race for its third Congressional district by just more than 40 votes. The former Phoenix vice mayor is the youngest woman in Congress and the first Iranian American Democrat in the U.S. House. Ansari, a member of the House Natural Resources Committee and the House Oversight Committee, has stood staunchly opposed to the Trump administration’s immigration policy with surprise oversight visits to Immigration and Customs Enforcement detention facilities, calling for better living conditions for detained individuals. 

 

  1. Rep. Gail Griffin: One of the Capitol’s worst-kept secrets is that no water policy gets through the Legislature without Griffin’s seal of approval. The chairwoman of the House Natural Resources, Energy and Water Committee has held the role in various forms since her career as a state lawmaker began in 1997 and she has frustrated both Democrats and Republicans seeking a bipartisan update to Arizona’s rural groundwater law. Griffin, R-Hereford, has long opposed Active Management Areas in the state and has advocated for alternative solutions, which she says give rural communities greater local control and flexibility over groundwater management, but she has presented a roadblock to the governor’s efforts to regulate groundwater pumping in rural parts of the state.

 

  1. Terry Goddard: Goddard serves as president of the Central Arizona Project board, which sets taxes and policies for the canal system that brings Colorado River water to homes throughout the state. A power player in negotiations over future use of the Colorado River, Goddard — a former Phoenix mayor, two-term attorney general and three-time gubernatorial candidate, is an unwavering advocate for Arizona’s future.

 

  1. Gina Swoboda: Swoboda stepped into the role of Republican Party chair in 2024 to help deliver the state to President Donald Trump and increase GOP seats in the Arizona House and Senate. The party turned out to be the greatest swing state margin for Trump and raised $20 million, with the majority of the money used to directly contact voters. Trump endorsed Swoboda in her original bid for party chair and in her reelection, and she also received support from state and federal lawmakers. In July, Swoboda was hired by the state House of Representatives to help craft elections policy after working in the Arizona Senate as an elections consultant, where she served for three legislative sessions.

 

  1. Regina Romero: Tucson’s first Latina mayor may have started her mayoral career in 2019, but she is no amateur. She spent nearly 20 years on the Tucson City Council — the first woman to ever hold the position. She has been an advocate for progressive policies in Tucson, supporting affordable housing projects and serving as the co-chair of Mayors against Illegal Guns. Having won reelection in 2023, Romero has gained traction within the Democratic Party and was the only mayor invited by the White House in 2024 during former President Joe Biden’s administration to join a federal delegation in Mexico for the inauguration of Mexico’s President Claudia Sheinbaum.

 

  1. Kate Gallego: Gallego, the mayor of Phoenix, has represented city residents for more than a decade. After first being sworn in to the city council in 2014, she became the city’s second female mayor in 2019 and has served in the position for more than half a decade. Gallego has set a goal to make Phoenix the most sustainable desert city in the U.S. She has led efforts to build electric vehicle charging infrastructure throughout the city and established an Office of Heat Response and Mitigation to address the extreme summer temperatures that residents face. Gallego pushed back this year against lawmakers who wanted to fund renovations at Chase Field to keep the Arizona Diamondbacks in town and helped negotiate the final version of the bill.

 

  1. Thomas Galvin: The new chairman of Maricopa County Board of Supervisors has made his mark as the leader of the nation’s fourth most populous county. Elected chairman in January, Galvin announced ambitious goals, including bringing back the Arizona Coyotes after the NHL team left for Utah in 2024. Fed up with the nation routinely waiting for word on the county’s vote tally on presidential election nights, Galvin has also helped lead Republican efforts to change state law to deliver faster election results. He also spearheaded a nearly $500,000 independent review of the county’s election processes and procedures to address complaints of recent election administration from 2020 and 2022.

 

  1. Tom Buschatzke: As director of the Arizona Department of Water Resources, Buschatzke serves as the state’s chief negotiator on Colorado River guidelines and the protector of its water supply. Buschatzke started his career in water as an intern in the department he would eventually lead, and is now a widely-respected policy expert who can be found taking part in every meaningful conversation about Arizona water. Most recently, Buschatzke has used his authority to enact groundwater pumping restrictions in rural areas, create new active management areas in dwindling basins and usher in new state laws allowing farmland to be converted for residential use. 

 

  1. John Boelts: As president of the Arizona Farm Bureau, Boelts is a leading voice in groundwater management policy discussions for rural areas. Last session, he supported a measure from Sen. Tim Dunn that would’ve imposed a series of restrictions intended to preserve groundwater in Gila Bend, Hualapai Valley and the Willcox Groundwater Basin. Boelts has advocated for policies that strike a balance between establishing conservation measures to preserve groundwater and ensuring property owners’ water-use rights. He is also a generational farmer who owns Desert Premium Farms in Yuma. 

 

  1. Lea Márquez Peterson: Márquez Peterson is the longest-serving member of the Arizona Corporation Commission and the only statewide elected official who resides in southern Arizona. She became the first Hispanic woman in a statewide position after Gov. Doug Ducey appointed her to the commission in 2019. Now in her final term, Márquez Peterson wants to increase transparency and awareness of the commission’s work, which primarily revolves around regulating the state’s major public utility companies. When she finishes her tenure, Márquez Peterson will no doubt be recruited by Republicans to run for any number of high-profile seats at the state or federal level.

 

  1. Nick Ponder: Ponder, the senior vice president for governmental affairs at HighGround Public Affairs Consultants, has emerged as an authority on two of the state’s most pressing issues — groundwater and affordable housing. As a lobbyist representing the League of Arizona Cities and Towns, he testified on the proposed Arizona Starter Homes Act. Ponder also represented rural counties and cities in discussions on groundwater management policy.

 

  1. Danny Seiden: As president and CEO of the Arizona Chamber of Commerce and Industry, Seiden has tirelessly worked to bolster the state’s economy and businesses. Seiden brings a public policy background to the role, having served as former Gov. Doug Ducey’s deputy chief of staff after helping run his 2014 gubernatorial campaign. Seiden is a familiar face at the Arizona Capitol, where he can often be found chatting with lawmakers and testifying on legislation impacting the business community. Most recently, Seiden and his team at the Arizona Chamber of Commerce helped ink a deal for stadium upgrades to the Arizona Diamondbacks’ Chase Field.

 

  1. Stephen Roe Lewis: A strong voice for Arizona’s tribal communities, the Gila River Indian Community governor has helped find solutions for long-standing issues facing the community. Lewis helped organize the opening of a managed aquifer recharge site, which has helped the community secure access to water and serves as a key cultural identity achievement. He’s prioritized youth educational opportunities and veteran support, and he was one of Arizona’s 2020 presidential electors. Lewis is in his third term as governor and serves as the National Congress of American Indians’ secretary.

 

  1. Brenda Burman: Burman leads the Central Arizona Project as its first female general manager where she is tasked with sustainably managing the 336-mile canal system that distributes Colorado River water to Arizonans. In 2017, Burman became the first female commissioner of the U.S. Bureau of Reclamation after previous water policy roles in the U.S. Department of the Interior, The Nature Conservancy and U.S. Sen. Jon Kyl’s office. She is also an attorney with experience in Native American water rights, making her a strong asset for Arizona’s water policy community.

 

  1. Sandra Watson: Watson is the president and CEO of the Arizona Commerce Authority, a state agency dedicated to bringing companies, jobs and capital to the state. She is one of the state’s longest-serving agency heads, having been appointed to her role when the ACA was created in 2011. Watson and the ACA have been credited with helping Arizona become a semiconductor manufacturing hub, bringing countless jobs and investments to the state.

 

  1. Tom Savage: Lawmakers have grown accustomed to seeing Savage in the halls of the House and Senate for nearly a decade. Savage, who joined the League of Arizona Cities and Towns as a legislative associate in 2016, now serves as the League’s legislative director and represents cities at the Capitol for a wide range of issues. Before joining the League, Savage worked as a House staffer and helped research policy issues for the Agriculture, Water and Lands, and Energy, Environment and Natural Resources committees.

 

  1. Jen Marson: As executive director of the Arizona Association of Counties, Marson’s expertise encompasses property taxes, elections, public records, criminal justice, law enforcement, justice, superior courts, education and then some. Her experience working in multiple government jurisdictions makes her the go-to person to take the stand at any number of committee hearings for counties across the state. As a certified election office, Marson has fought against election mistrust and misinformation for years. She continues to be recognized for her work, having won the Arizona Capitol Times’ Best Government Lobbyist award two years in a row. 

 

  1. Buu Nygren: A self-described carpenter, public servant and father, Nygren has spent the past two years constructing a better future for Arizona’s tribal communities as the president of the Navajo Nation. But his tenure has not been without problems, he faced a recall petition but a Navajo Nation investigation cleared Nygren of the accusations. Despite the investigation, his long term vision and steady commitment to his people did not falter. He is one of the more powerful and influential cultural and political leaders in the state. His priorities include access to water, modern infrastructure, affordable housing, and a thriving economy for tribal lands. To that end, Nygren was instrumental in negotiating with Hopi and San Juan Paiute leaders to secure a historic water rights settlement between the tribes. He also made clever use of the American Rescue Plan Act to secure more than $500 million in funding for infrastructure projects. A steadfast defender of Navajo sovereignty, he has worked to protect tribal lands from the transportation of uranium from the Pinyon Plain Mine south of the Grand Canyon. 

 

  1. Arizona Supreme Court Justice Clint Bolick: Bolick, first appointed to the court in 2016 by Gov. Doug Ducey, fought an effort to remove him from the bench over his vote to keep a statewide abortion ban in place. Despite a coordinated and funded campaign against his candidacy, Bolick kept his seat with 58% of the vote. He continues to advocate for an independent judiciary and further civic education on the state’s judicial retention system, especially as the race attracts more political and campaign interest each year. Before ascending to the state’s high court, Bolick served as the vice president for litigation at the Goldwater Institute and as the president and general counsel for the Alliance for School Choice, where he advocated for school choice, private property rights, freedom of speech and federalism. 

 

  1. (Gage Skidmore/Flickr)

    Arizona Supreme Court Justice Maria Elena Cruz: Cruz, the newest member of the Arizona Supreme Court, brings a wealth of experience from rural Arizona and is the first Latina and Black justice to serve on the court. Cruz started her career as a prosecutor at the Yuma County Attorney’s Office, pivoted to criminal defense, and then worked in family and criminal law as a solo practitioner. She has worked as a judge pro tem for the Cocopah Indian Tribe, as a superior court judge and as a presiding judge in Yuma County. Before her ascent to the state high court, she served on the Arizona Court of Appeals for eight years. Hobbs chose Cruz in January after a lengthy nomination process, slotting her to fill the vacancy left by former Chief Justice Robert Brutinel. 

 

  1. (Gage Skidmore/Flickr)

    Karrin Taylor Robson: After a loss in the 2022 Republican gubernatorial primary, Robson has continued her fight to become Arizona’s governor. Robson is an attorney and land use consultant who has dabbled in lobbying and public service, including a stint on the Arizona Board of Regents. For the 2026 gubernatorial primary, she rebranded from an old-guard Republican backed by critics of President Donald Trump to a “MAGA” darling with the president’s endorsement. Robson is hoping her self-funded campaign war chest and lifelong conservative values are enough to make her Gov. Katie Hobbs’ challenger next year.

 

  1. Andy Gaona: As the governor’s go-to outside counsel and a leading election attorney in the state, Gaona has sparred in court over election contests in 2020 and 2022, served as the go-to voice on campaign finance, ballot access and the inner workings of elections, and drafted and defended a host of voter initiatives over the past 10 years. He waded into and successfully defended the statewide initiative to enshrine a right to abortion, a measure to legalize marijuana and the funding fix for Arizona schools under Proposition 123. He continues to serve as a partner at Coppersmith Brockelman, where he co-leads the election and political practice with the governor’s former general counsel, Sambo “Bo” Dul. 

 

  1. (Photo by Jon Willey/Arizona Diamondbacks)

    Ken Kendrick: Kendrick, a Paradise Valley resident, is more than just a baseball fan, he’s Arizona’s MVP for anything related to the Arizona Diamondbacks. Kendrick has played a pivotal role in intergovernmental relations between the state’s premier professional baseball team and its government. He was pivotal in negotiating a bill that authorized up to $500 million in public funding for stadium renovations, effectively securing the team’s future in the state and establishing an enormous tax base for Phoenix residents. Moreover, through the Ken Kendrick Grand Slam Awards and the Arizona Diamondbacks Foundation, Kendrick has contributed significantly to Arizona philanthropy, providing nearly $2 million in funding to Arizona nonprofits between 2024 and 2025. His work to renovate youth sports fields in places like Arcadia and South Mountain, and his work in the Give Back Jersey Program to supply Diamondbacks-themed apparel and uniforms to thousands of young athletes in Arizona, have both contributed significantly to the health and well-being of Arizona’s youth sports leagues. 

 

  1. Rick Smith: Smith, the founder and CEO of Axon, has solidified his status as an influential leader of one of Arizona’s most prominent companies. Axon is known for developing the Taser, body cameras and other safety technology. The homegrown company flexed its lobbying muscles last session when a ballot referendum threatened to derail the construction of its global headquarters in north Scottsdale. Smith rallied with dozens of employees and worked with lawmakers to garner support for a bill that would allow the company to complete the project. He accomplished his goal when Gov. Katie Hobbs signed a law that cleared a path for the company to proceed with its plans. 

 

  1. (Gage Skidmore/Flickr)

    Michael Bidwill: Following the death of his father in 2019, Bidwill has worked to keep ownership of the Arizona Cardinals in the Bidwill family. He took over as the team’s president in 2006 and helped create State Farm Stadium in Glendale, which has brought an economic surge to the area and hosted multiple Super Bowls and large events, including the 2025 Memorial for Charlie Kirk and Taylor Swift’s Eras Tour in 2023. With an estimated net worth of $1.4 billion, Bidwill has taken an interest in engagement with the NFL and has held various committee roles, including the league’s Conduct Committee and the Player-Owner Committee. In 2016, he was inducted into the National Football Foundation Leadership Hall of Fame.

 

  1. Jenny Clark: As founder of Love Your School, a multi-state school choice advocacy and support organization, Clark continues to be the first line of defense in strengthening, growing and defending school choice options in the state. Her main focus continues to be the Empowerment Scholarship Account program, with resources and one-on-one support for families to sign up, obtain disability diagnoses, and secure funding for the child to attend private school or create a tailored homeschool option. But her work does not end there. She’s assisted families with disabilities in navigating the public school system and in obtaining tax credit scholarships through School Tuition Organizations. She served on the State Board of Education from 2022 to 2025, appointed by former Gov. Doug Ducey. 

 

  1. Marisol Garcia: Garcia leads the premier labor union for more than 22,000 Arizona public school educators and has continually gone to the mat for all school employees at the local, state and federal levels. During her tenure as president of the Arizona Education Association, Garcia has transformed the union into a more visible, organized presence in political battles and public school education advocacy. Garcia has pushed for paying all school employees through the continuation of Proposition 123, a school funding measure relying on the state land trust fund. She’s fought for educators in her own district, the Isaac Elementary School District, amid a financial crisis. And she, of course, leads the charge in securing additional funding for schools across the state while fighting against what she calls “unfunded mandates”— education policies without a proper fiscal note. Garcia was first elected as Arizona Education Association president in 2022 and was reelected in May 2025. 

 

  1. John Ward: Ward, executive director of Empowerment Scholarship Accounts at the Arizona Department of Education, assumed responsibility for a program hurtling toward a $1 billion price tag, with 91,000 enrollees and growing. Prior to his current role, Ward served as the chief auditor for the department and a manager at the Arizona Auditor General’s office. He’s continued to walk a tightrope, ensuring no misspending of state funds while maintaining enough flexibility for families — a dance that continues to bring him equal doses of praise and criticism from state school choice advocates and program participants. 

 

  1. Tammy McLeod: While some plant seeds to grow trees, McLeod, through her leadership of the Flinn Foundation, plants seeds that grow industries. She has remained a mobilizing and industrious philanthropist in Arizona’s higher education community for almost a decade. McLeod has led Arizona’s bioscience sector to tremendous growth in funding, wages and jobs. Her work on the Flinn Foundation’s Arizona Bioscience Roadmap, which sets the state’s strategy for fostering growth in the industry, created the blueprint for the last decade of growth in Arizona’s bioscience community. Moreover, her work to update that roadmap for implementation in 2025 will set the course for the billion-dollar industry through the next decade. 

 

  1. Elizabeth S. Chatham: While some make their names by who they attack, others make theirs for who they protect. The latter is the case for Chatham, Arizona’s premier immigration attorney, community leader and diversity advocate. Named one of the “Most Influential Women in Arizona Business” by AZ Big Media in 2025, Chatham has built a legacy in Arizona through her legal work for Fortune 500 companies, startups, universities and more. She has dedicated herself to helping the state’s at-risk populations navigate complex U.S. immigration laws, including visa card applications, green card strategies, naturalization and more. Chatham’s work bridges the gap between Arizona’s government and its immigrant communities, and her legal expertise has made her an influential figure in Arizona’s business and political communities. 

 

  1. Jessica Nuñez (Via Facebook.com)

    Jessica Nuñez: While many would crumble and fall in the face of family tragedy, Nuñez proves that some are still willing to stand up and fight for what they know is right for their family. Nuñez rose to prominence in Arizona in 2024 and 2025 through her advocacy work after her teenage daughter, Alicia Navarro, went missing in 2019. While Navarro resurfaced four years later, her disappearance lit a fire under her mother. Even after their reunion, Nuñez’s powerful message of “never lose hope and always fight” resonated widely across the nation, prompting new calls for support for neurodivergent youth, missing children, online safety and mothers in advocacy. 

 

  1. Monica Villalobos: Villalobos brings people, data and power together. As CEO of the Arizona Hispanic Chamber of Commerce, she’s a strong advocate for Hispanics across the state. And she’s not just a figurehead. Villalobos is actively shaping Arizona’s economic landscape by working with government leaders and co-chairing key committees, like the one that helped Gov. Katie Hobbs build her administration. Through the Chamber’s annual DATOS report, she gives business and political leaders clear insight into the growing power of Arizona’s Hispanic market. She’s also a connector, building bridges between communities, companies and policymakers. With deep roots in both business and academia, she’s actively using her platform to open doors for others. 

 

  1. Robin Reed (posthumously): Reed earned his reputation by who he elevated. As CEO of the Black Chamber of Arizona, he worked tirelessly to open doors for Black-owned businesses, pushing for real access to funding, partnerships and opportunity across Arizona. He didn’t just talk about equity — he rolled up his sleeves and worked to build it. Reed’s influence reached far beyond business. He mentored leaders, advised nonprofits, and sat on boards that shaped Arizona’s education and community development. He was a key figure in bringing the state together across racial, class and industry lines. He always focused on how to make Arizona stronger and more inclusive. What made him truly powerful wasn’t just his resume — it was his character. People listened to Reed because he spoke with wisdom, led with heart, and always followed through. 

Republicans question AG’s defense of transgender birth certificate law

Key Points:
  • Top GOP lawmakers want to appeal federal court ruling on transgender birth certificates
  • Judge James Soto voided state law requiring surgery for amended birth certificates
  • Arizona law bars doctors from performing “irreversible gender reassignment surgery” on minors

Top Republican lawmakers want to appeal a federal court ruling that voided a state law that says transgender individuals can get an amended birth certificate only if they first undergo surgery.

In new court filings, the lawyer for House Speaker Steve Montenegro and Senate President Warren Petersen contend that U.S. District Court Judge James Soto got it wrong in voiding the surgery requirement. Justin Smith called it “a dramatic departure” from a law that has been on the books for five decades.

But it’s not just that they’re unhappy with the ruling. Smith said that Attorney General Kris Mayes, who was defending the law, has not been as vigorous in doing that as the GOP lawmakers believe she should have been.

And now they’re questioning whether she even intends to appeal.

What makes the question of appeal important – and imminent – is that Soto directed the Department of Health Services to begin issuing amended birth certificates as early as January to those who do not identify with the sex assigned at birth.

More to the point, the judge’s order, unless overturned, strips the requirement in Arizona law that the person must first have undergone a sex change operation.” Instead, it would require only a physician’s attestation that the person is transgender.

An aide to Mayes said her office is consulting with the Department of Health Services – the entity that was sued for issuing birth certificates – on any appeal. And an agency spokesman said it does not comment on pending litigation.

But an appeal is not guaranteed. In fact, Christian Slater, press aide to Gov. Katie Hobbs, who has ultimate decision-making authority for the health department, said no decision has been made.

All that, Smith is telling the judge, is reason to let Montenegro and Petersen, who were not part of the original case, file an appeal.

The lawsuit, filed in 2020, is on behalf of three transgender boys whose Arizona birth certificates list them as female and a transgender girl identified as male.

Rachel Berg, an attorney with the National Center for LGBTQ Rights, said some individuals have “gender dysphoria,” a disconnect between the person’s identity and the assigned sex.

She said one of the treatments is to align the person’s life with their gender identity. And while that could include hormone-replacement therapy and surgery, she said it starts with “social transition,” changing their names, using different pronouns, adopting clothing and grooming habits associated with their peers of the same gender identity.

Further complicating the issue is that then-Gov. Doug Ducey signed a law in 2022 that bars doctors from performing “irreversible gender reassignment surgery” on minors – the procedure that state law considers a legal prerequisite before the health department can change a child’s birth certificate.

Attorneys for the state defended the law, saying it has nothing to do with discrimination and everything to do with accurate records.

The lawyers argued that all the birth certificate does is create a record of  “the external genitalia of the person at the time of birth as observed by a medical professional present at the birth.” And they said none of that restricts how people identify themselves.

Soto disagreed, saying that birth certificates are what individuals need to present as identification.

“Their outward physical appearance will not fit with the gender markers on their birth certificate,” the judge said of the concerns of those affected. “Thus, if these documents are presented to others, they would, of course, be forced to involuntarily out themselves as transgender.”

It is that ruling that the DHS and the Governor’s Office are still deciding whether to appeal. And it is that lack of a decision that Smith said should entitle Montenegro and Petersen to appeal.

More immediately, however, Smith wants Soto to delay his order. The key is the January deadline for the health department to start issuing amended birth certificates.

He said once that procedure starts, it may be impossible to undo. And that, said Smith, would result in “irreparable harm” to the state – and the legislative leaders – if an appellate court ultimately reverses Soto’s decision.

“The legislative leaders are not aware of any procedure to revoke amended birth certificates issued pursuant to a reversed court order,” he wrote. “Nor is it clear that the legislative leaders could pass legislation setting forth such a procedure after amended birth certificates have been issued.”

Put simply, once someone gets an amended birth certificate, there may be no way for the health department to rescind it.

Montenegro, in a separate statement, said Soto should allow him and Petersen to intervene in the case to try to reinstate the requirement that amended birth certificates should be issued only after sex-reassignment surgery.

“Arizona’s laws are not optional,” he said.

“The ruling now opens the door for anyone to change the sex marker on a birth certificate with just a doctor’s note,” Montenegro said. And that, he said, means “erasing decades of statute and undermining the integrity of vital records.”

But the new legal filings on behalf of Montenegro and Petersen are about more than whether there will be an appeal. Smith claims that one reason an appeal is needed is that Mayes has not adequately represented the interests of the GOP lawmakers in defending the surgery requirement.

In fact Smith, in his legal filing, suggested that the outcome of the case might have been different had Montenegro and Petersen been involved in the case from the beginning. Instead, the judge limited the two lawmakers to filing only “friend of the court” briefs to make their points.

Smith argues the two lawmakers raised legal points that the Attorney General’s Office “never sought nor intended to raise,” such as whether the remedy Soto was imposing – eliminating the need for surgery – was appropriate. Smith also mentioned there were arguments, which were never presented, about how judges in other similar cases across the nation did not reach the same conclusion as the judge here.

Montenegro said there is every reason that he and Petersen should be involved in the case – and the appeal.

“When a federal court rewrites a statute, the Legislature has a duty to defend it,” he said. “If the attorney general won’t defend Arizona’s laws, we will.”

Richie Taylor, press aide for Mayes, said Smith’s legal filings amount to little more than “partisan political attacks” against Mayes, a Democrat, by the two Republicans. That includes Petersen, who is running to unseat her in the 2026 election.

He said the court record shows that Mayes, who inherited the case from Mark Brnovich, her Republican predecessor, did defend the surgery requirement in the law. Taylor called the comments by Montenegro and Petersen “offensive to the attorneys who have worked on this case on behalf of their client.”

Soto has not set a date to consider the request by the two GOP lawmakers to intervene.

Arizona doctors challenge state’s abortion restrictions in court

Key Points:
  • Arizona doctors sue to void abortion restrictions
  • State lawmakers argue doctors have no legal right to sue without threat of prosecution
  • Judge Greg Como expects to rule on the lawsuit within two to three weeks

The state’s top Republican lawmakers are trying to short-circuit a bid by doctors to void several restrictions the Legislature has adopted on abortion.

Attorney Justin Smith, representing Senate President Warren Petersen and House Speaker Steve Montenegro, urged the Maricopa County Superior Court Judge Greg Como on Monday to toss the lawsuit challenging three separate restrictions on the procedure.

Smith has already filed legal briefs saying the provisions remain legal despite voters in November enacting a constitutional provision guaranteeing a “fundamental right to abortion.”

But, rather than defend the laws, he contends the doctors have no legal right to sue because they haven’t shown they are in any danger of being prosecuted if they break them.

Smith pointed out that Gov. Katie Hobbs issued an executive order in 2023 giving Attorney General Kris Mayes the right to prosecute any violations of abortion laws. And Mayes, in turn, has vowed not to bring any such charges as long as she is in office.

So unless the doctors are charged with breaking any of those laws, Smith told the judge, he can’t issue a ruling about whether those laws are constitutional and enforceable.

That drew a skeptical response from Como, who asked what the doctors who perform abortions do in the meantime.

“Are they supposed to violate the law so that they can find out whether it’s enforceable or not?” he asked.

“Or are they just supposed to comply with the law that they believe is unconstitutional? Como said. “They’re kind of stuck in a Hobson’s choice, aren’t they?”

Nor did the judge seem to be impressed by Smith’s argument that the presence of Hobbs and Mayes in office — and their decision not to prosecute — leaves nothing for him to decide. He pointed out that there’s no guarantee that Mayes, seeking reelection, will be in office after 2026.

And there’s something else.

Assistant Attorney General Hayleigh Crawford reminded Como that Smith’s clients actually are arguing that the challenged laws are constitutional and should be enforced. And she also noted that there is a seven-year statute of limitations, meaning a future attorney general could bring felony charges against a doctor who violates the law today — something she said is not far-fetched.

“One of their clients is running for attorney general,” she pointed out, referring to Petersen, who is seeking the Republican nomination to run against Mayes and is defending the challenged laws as enforceable despite voter approval of Proposition 139.

Hanging in the balance are several laws that already were on the books when voters approved the measure in November.

One is a requirement for a 24-hour waiting period between the time a woman sees a doctor and the time she has the procedure performed. Caroline Sacerdote, representing the doctors, said that presents a particular hurdle for women in rural areas who would have to make two trips to a doctor.

Closely related to that is a ban on the use of telemedicine for abortion, allowing doctors to prescribe medications to terminate a pregnancy after an online conversation with a patient. Challengers say this, too, harms rural women.

Finally, some laws make it illegal for doctors to perform an abortion if they know the reason a woman is seeking it is due to a fetal genetic abnormality. That, Sacerdote said, creates a situation that discourages doctors from talking with their patients.

Paul Isaacson and William Richardson, both of whom perform abortions, along with the Arizona Medical Association, contend that the language in Proposition 139 supersedes all that and makes those laws unenforceable. So they want Como to issue an order declaring that those statutes are no longer enforceable — and that they cannot be charged with a crime for violating them.

The lawsuit also asks that the Arizona Medical Board be precluded from disciplining any doctor who violates those laws. And it seeks a declaration voiding any private lawsuits that seek to enforce the laws.

Smith, however, told Como that courts have no right to rule on any of that until the case is considered legally “ripe,” meaning there is an actual case in front of them.

It starts, he said, with Hobbs’ executive order and Mayes’ vow not to prosecute anyone for disobeying any abortion law at all, not just those at issue here.

“They must show that there’s a real threat of prosecution in order for their lawsuit to succeed,” Smith said. “Here, there is no real threat, credible threat, whatever adjective you put in front of the word ‘threat’ because the state officials who have the authority to enforce these provisions said that they will not, in fact, enforce them.”

Smith also said there’s little danger of the Arizona Medical Board taking action because the governor has the power to appoint its members.

Sacerdote said that all is irrelevant with that seven-year statute of limitations.

“There is a credible threat (of enforcement) because the attorney general or a future attorney general could enforce the challenged laws for conduct that is occurring today,” Sacerdote said.

“Forcing plaintiffs to wait until a more hostile attorney general is elected would cause substantial irreparable harm,” she said, with the ability of a new chief prosecutor to file cases that occurred before that person’s election. And that, said Sacerdote, forces doctors to comply with the old — and she believes unconstitutional — laws now for fear of who voters might elect in the future.

The alternative, Sacerdote said, is no better.

She said Petersen and Montenegro essentially are saying that if the doctors want a ruling now on the laws they must break the laws “in order to have a day in court to assert the constitutional rights that are clearly so recognized by the amendment.”

“That defies credulity that someone would necessarily just break the law and ignore the myriad of penalties at issue here,” she said.

The judge said he expects to rule in two to three weeks.

Correction: This story has been updated to correctly attribute comments to Caroline Sacerdote, the doctors’ legal representative in the case.

Republican leaders challenge secretary of state’s new draft of election procedures manual

Key Points:
  • Top Republican lawmakers threaten to sue Democratic Secretary of State Adrian Fontes over proposed election rules
  • Lawmakers claim Fontes’ planned changes go beyond state law and amount to creating law on his own
  • Judges have previously declared some of Fontes’ actions to be illegal

Two top Republican lawmakers have a message for Democratic Secretary of State Adrian Fontes: Change your proposed elections rules, or we’ll see you in court.

Senate President Warren Petersen and House Speaker Steve Montenegro contend that what Fontes is planning to put into the new Elections Procedures Manual goes beyond what is in state law. And that, they say, means he is trying to create law on his own, something he cannot do.

The questioned provisions range from changes to the voter registration process to whether party representatives can challenge early ballots over proof of citizenship.

“If the secretary of state wants rules changed, he should propose legislation like everyone else,” said Petersen in a prepared comment.

“Arizona law is clear: The Legislature writes the rules for elections,” said Montenegro.

“The secretary of state does not get to invent new ones,” he continued. “If Fontes refuses to correct these unlawful provisions, the courts will.”

Aaron Thacker, spokesman for Fontes, called the threats of litigation “premature,” saying the process of adopting a new manual is still underway. He declined to address any of the allegations raised by the GOP lawmakers.

“Let’s allow that process to unfold before jumping to conclusions or engaging in political theater,” Thacker told Capitol Media Services. “Once the ink is dry, we’ll be better positioned to have a substantive conversation.”

But this isn’t the first time the secretary’s actions have been questioned. And judges previously have declared some of his actions to be illegal.

State laws provide the specifics on how everything from voter registration to elections are to be conducted, but the law also requires the secretary of state to craft a manual on a biennial basis to provide guidance for election officials.

Some provisions address logistical issues, such as posting notices at polling places for write-in candidates and those who have withdrawn from the race. But it also spells out, in greater detail than in statute, procedures and rules for polling places.

What makes that important is that what’s in the Elections Procedures Manual has the force of law, with violators subject to criminal prosecution. But what’s also clear is that what’s in the manual cannot directly conflict with or overrule what’s in the Election Code.

Petersen and Montenegro contend that’s what’s happening here.

For example, they cite a provision in the draft manual that says when a database check provides affirmative evidence someone is not a citizen, election officials should give that person up through 7 p.m. on Election Day to “cure” the defect.

They contend that applies only when mandated information is “incomplete or illegible.” However, they state that once an election official has actual indication that the person is not a citizen, the application must be rejected, and a letter must be sent to the applicant before the case is referred to state and local prosecutors.

Also being questioned is a provision that if an applicant does not furnish “documentary proof of citizenship” — required under a 2004 voter-approved law — that the county recorder must attempt to acquire that proof on the applicant’s behalf using other records, like from the Motor Vehicle Division.

And they challenge another provision which says that a “mistake or inconsistency” in the required registration of someone to circulate initiative petitions for pay can be excused. The GOP lawmakers say that runs contrary to state law and Supreme Court rulings which require that all laws dealing with initiative petitions must be “strictly construed.”

Thacker said the comments by Petersen and Montenegro will be considered, along with any others submitted by this past Saturday’s deadline for feedback, with the possibility for changes to the manual before its submitted to Gov. Katie Hobbs and Attorney General Kris Mayes. Once there, they, in turn, can also ask for changes.

“This entire process is designed to be deliberative and transparent, and is scheduled to conclude by the statutory deadline of Dec. 31,” Thacker said.

There actually was more time for comment this year after the state Court of Appeals ruled earlier this year that Fontes had broken the law last time by allowing just 15 days for public comment. The judges said Arizona law requires at least 30 days for comments on any proposed regulations, elections or otherwise.

And, time issues aside, this isn’t the first time a court has concluded that Fontes tried to put items into the Elections Procedures Manual that are not allowed under state law.

Last year, a federal judge blocked Fontes from enforcing a provision in his 2023 version of the manual which would have allowed him to refuse to include a county’s vote in the statewide totals if the local supervisors failed to certify the results.

In a strongly worded ruling, U.S. District Court Judge Michael Liburdi acknowledged the 2022 effort by the Cochise County Board of Supervisors to delay certification. And that action threatened to hold up the formal canvass of all the votes through the entire state — and even change the outcome of some races.

But Liburdi said the solution Fontes incorporated in the Elections Procedures Manual — allowing him to skip over those uncertified votes simply to finalize the state results — would unfairly and illegally disenfranchise the voters who had cast their ballots.

“If the right to vote is the right of qualified voters within a state to cast their ballots and have them counted, then the canvass provision imposes the most severe burden: state-sanctioned disenfranchisement,” the judge wrote.

Consider, Liburdi said, what would happen if Maricopa County supervisors balked.

Under the rules Fontes enacted in the manual, he would have been permitted to certify the state results without including those votes. And that, the judge said, would mean all 2.4 million votes from Maricopa residents would not count when the state finalized the results — meaning the results would be determined based on the votes only from the 14 other counties.

What’s worse, Liburdi said, is that none of this would be the fault of the disenfranchised voters.

“A registered voter in Arizona may perfectly comply with all voting requirements and obligations but nonetheless have her vote excluded based on the mal- or nonfeasance of public officials,” he wrote.

Liburdi also barred Fontes from enforcing another provision which would have prohibited “any activity by a person with the intent or effect of threatening, harassing, intimidating, or coercing voters … inside or outside the 75-foot limit at a voting location.”

The judge said there’s no problem in general with barring intentional threats, intimidation or coercion. The issue, he said, is that it also outlaws actions that have the effect of doing so, regardless of the intent of the person.

Then there’s the fact that the manual, as written by Fontes, governed not just actions inside the 75-foot perimeter in which certain activities are forbidden by statute, like campaigning or taking pictures, but also beyond that line.

“Thus, speech that a listener finds too loud, too offensive or too insolent — potentially anywhere in Arizona — is prohibited,” Liburdi wrote. “But it has long been established that speech may not be prohibited because it concerns subjects offending our sensibilities.”

And then there’s the fact that the prohibition is solely based on the reaction of the listener.

“Plaintiffs do not have fair notice of what speech is prohibited,” Liburdi wrote. And he said that, as worded, the provision could be enforced by a poll worker who would have the ability to have someone ejected from a polling place, even before they cast their own ballot.

“Moreover, the rule prohibits ‘offensive’ or ‘insulting’ speech without defining what categories of speech rise to the requisite level of offense or insult,” he continued. “Without any limitation, election officials and poll workers have nearly unfettered discretion in categorizing and regulating a voter’s speech.”

And that, said Liburdi, increases the likelihood the provision would be arbitrarily enforced.

Fontes has asked the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals to review Liburdi’s decision. It has yet to rule on the issue.

Session Wrap: Speaker Montenegro and the pulse of the House

House Republicans expanded their majority in the chamber after the 2024 election, but faced ire from the governor’s office, legislative Democrats and some Senate Republicans over critical issues at the Legislature this session. In his first session leading the chamber as Speaker, Rep. Steve Montenegro, R-Goodyear, reflected on the 57th Legislative session in an interview with the Arizona Capitol Times.

The questions and answers have been edited lightly for style and clarity. 

What were the biggest wins for House Republicans this session?

We started off the session with a very robust majority agenda centered around three major themes: Preserving the American Dream, promoting public safety and protecting individual rights and liberties. We want to focus on those areas, and, for the most part, we have. We did have major achievements when it comes to reforms. We were able to fully fund the Division of Developmental Disabilities and pass the supplemental budget, and, at the same time, advance some reforms that protect the vulnerable and ensure that the money is going where it should be. 

How is the relationship between the House and Senate after the budget played out the way it did?

The relationship between the House and the Senate is fine. Historically, I think the founders have always intended there to be a certain healthy, friendly legislative tension between the House and Senate. The relationship is fine, and we’re going to continue doing the people’s work.

What were the biggest challenges of the session?

Understanding what some of the federal impacts are going to be on the state, whether it’s in Medicaid impacts, whether it’s in tax cuts, understanding how some of those decisions are going to impact the state. Not in a negative way, but just in how we should prepare and be wise stewards of the state. 

The JLBC is expecting a $381 million cost to Arizona if it conforms to federal tax changes. Do you see that as a bad thing?

Well, tax cuts for Americans are never a bad thing. Republicans want people to have more of their own money in their pockets. We trust Arizonans to spend their money more wisely than the government spends its money. The larger the government, the smaller the individual. The smaller the government, the larger the individual. We want the individual to be more prosperous. Government has to learn to live within its means, just like we as citizens do. 

We saw a lot of frustration from Republicans this year toward the governor’s office, particularly with DDD, vetoed bills, and her executive budget proposal. How do Republicans feel about that office right now?

We obviously don’t agree on much or how she’s running the state. We’ve seen some challenges throughout the session. As Arizonans, we have a decision to make about the direction of the state. We’re going to work together because we have to make sure that we’re governing the state. At the same time, there’s much that is at a standstill. If you take a look at the job creation numbers, the state fell dramatically in line with the rest of the states in our standing. That is due to the decisions made by the governor. We sent up great bills to help us maintain economic soundness in the state. If we want to be stronger economically, we’re going to have to change direction in the governor’s office.

How important was it for Republicans to get a resolution to designate drug cartels as terrorist organizations on the ballot? 

Arizona is unique from most of the country because we are a southern state. And as of the last few years, we’ve always had a problem with drug trafficking, with human trafficking, but it’s intensified in the last few years. If it weren’t for President Trump coming in and strongly securing that border, we’d continue to be in serious trouble. We’re talking about the safety of our citizens. We’re talking about the ability for our children to play in our front yard without the fear of human trafficking, without the fear of child abduction. I think we’ve gotten to a point where citizens understand that the border has very strong dangers and the way that these cartels are operating, they are a danger to our citizens and we need to do everything possible to protect our citizens. The impact that this measure will have is that it is going to designate these drug cartels correctly and we’re going to make sure that law enforcement has every tool to go after these individuals that pose a great danger. 

This was your first session as speaker. What does this position mean to you, and what have you learned this session?

The most sacred thing about being a speaker is that we have the responsibility to maintain and uphold the integrity of the institution. That’s the institution that our founders gave us to protect the individual rights of our citizens and their ability to achieve their American Dream. Arizonans send legislators to the Capitol to be their voice, and the Arizona House of Representatives is the place where those voices are heard. It doesn’t matter what side of the aisle you’re on. Disagreement is an American value. We must welcome it, and we understand that iron sharpens iron. 

This session had some pressing issues. DDD, Axon, the budget. Each faced significant challenges but they were handled. How does that reflect on the caucus?

There were high challenges, and our members stood up to them, and they came through. I am very grateful to our caucus. We have a group of talented legislators, and when it was needed most, they came together. Like I said, there’s disagreements, of course, but in the end, we see the challenges and we see the needs and we were able to step up and do what was best in the eyes of the majority for the state. It turns out, we got some really important things done and we’re ready for the challenges that pop up and we have the leadership required to tackle those issues and govern adequately as Republicans and as conservatives. 

What are your plans for the interim and what is priority one next session?

Of course, it’s going to continue to be the budget and continue to make sure that we have a sound economy in the state to prepare Arizona for our future and every individual to have an opportunity to prosper. That’s going to continue to be our constitutional duty in passing a balanced and sound budget that’s helping our families forward. At the same time, we want to make sure that every member has the tools they need to be successful and show their constituents that they were able to be an adequate voice for Arizonans. In the interim, we’re all back in our districts with our families, our communities, our citizens, meeting with moms and dads and teachers so when we come back to the Legislature, we are in tune with our constituents. That’s certainly my number one responsibility.

Arizona Republicans defend abortion laws in court fight

Key Points:
  • Arizona lawmakers defend abortion laws against constitutional challenge
  • Rep. Steve Montenegro and Sen. Warren Petersen argue laws are constitutional
  • Laws include 24-hour waiting period, in-person counseling and mandatory ultrasound

The top two Republican state legislators contend there’s nothing unconstitutional about making a woman wait 24 hours before having an abortion.

In new court filings, House Speaker Steve Montenegro and Senate President Warren Petersen also want a judge to uphold existing requirements for in-person counseling, a mandatory ultrasound, a ban on prescribing abortion medication by phone, and a law making it a crime for doctors to terminate a pregnancy because of a genetic defect or the sex of the child.

Andrew Gould, representing the pair, contends that the statutes, which have been challenged by two abortion providers and the Arizona Medical Association, do not run afoul of Proposition 139. That measure, approved in November, enshrines a right to terminate a pregnancy into the Arizona Constitution.

Gould, however, points out that the ballot measure does allow restrictions if they are “justified by a compelling state interest that is achieved by the least restrictive means.” And he says the laws being challenged fit within that restriction.

Even if Maricopa County Superior Court Judge Greg Como doesn’t buy that argument, Gould has a fallback position.

He said the case is not “ripe” for consideration: There is no record of anyone being denied an abortion due to these laws in the more than seven months since Prop. 139 was adopted.

And if that doesn’t work, Gould is telling Como that there’s no chance the doctors who filed the lawsuit are in any danger of being prosecuted.

He pointed out that Gov. Katie Hobbs issued an executive order more than a year ago saying that only Attorney General Kris Mayes has the power to prosecute violations of abortion laws. And Mayes herself has disavowed any interest in bringing charges against anyone.

In fact, Mayes — whose job is to defend the laws already on the books — has refused to do so. She is instead siding with the challengers in concluding that Prop. 139 makes these abortion restrictions unconstitutional.

That leaves it up to Montenegro and Petersen to defend the laws. And the outcome of the lawsuit could affect what restrictions and hurdles remain for those seeking an abortion.

Hanging in the balance is the “fundamental right to abortion” that voters approved by a 3-2 margin. More to the point, that voter-approved language specifically says the state cannot deny, restrict or interfere with that right prior to fetal viability — generally considered between 22 and 24 weeks — absent that “compelling state interest.”

Gould said the problems with the challenges start with the fact they are seeking to void certain restrictions both for pre- and post-viability abortions.

Prop. 139, however, is much narrower in its limits on laws governing post-viability abortions, saying the state has no right to interfere if the health care provider has determined the procedure is necessary to protect the life or health of the mother. So that, Gould said, makes the challenge too broad.

But the heart of his arguments on behalf of Montenegro and Petersen goes to his claim that, even in cases of pre-viability abortions, the laws that already were on the books when Prop. 139 was approved do not run afoul of its provisions.

Many are tied to that 24-hour waiting period.

Doctors in that first visit are supposed to provide what the challengers call “stigmatizing and irrelevant information” to the patient, like the probable anatomical and physiological characteristics of the fetus, the fact that medical assistance benefits may be available for prenatal, childbirth and neonatal care, and that the father of the unborn child is financially liable for support, even if he has offered to pay for the abortion.

Challengers question the need to provide such information to the patient. 

“In effect, these requirements force patients seeking abortion care to make multiple trips to their health care provider to obtain an abortion, regardless of that patient’s distance from the provider, reasons for seeking an abortion, medical circumstances, how certain they are, or how advanced their pregnancy is,” the challengers argue. That means taking time away from work or school, doubling the time and expense of transportation, and even potentially requiring a hotel and arrangements for child care.

It also provides time for a mandatory ultrasound.

Gould said none of that runs afoul of Prop. 139.

“A modest 24-hour waiting period enhances informed decision-making and fortifies long-term psychological health by ensuring that a pregnant woman can absorb, reflect on, and incorporate information learned during the counseling session and ultrasound into a deliberate decision to continue or terminate the pregnancy,” he told the judge.

Gould also cited National Abortion Federation guidelines that say the gestational age of a fetus “must be verified by ultrasonography” for any fetus estimated to be more than 14 weeks old.

He also is defending the legality of a requirement for an in-person visit, versus the use of telemedicine, where a doctor can consult with a patient electronically and determine whether to prescribe abortion medications.

“The state has a compelling interest in ensuring that a pregnant woman is not coerced into taking an abortion pill by another person, such as a spouse, partner, abuser, or trafficker,” Gould said. “The provider lacks the ability to do so if the provider communicates with the patient exclusively through remote means.”

The response filed for Montenegro and Petersen also takes a particular swat at the effort to strike down laws that make it illegal for a doctor to perform an abortion knowing the procedure is sought based on the sex or race of the child. And a parallel law, also already on the books before the initiative, imposes criminal penalties on doctors who terminate a pregnancy “knowing that the abortion is sought solely because of a generic abnormality of the child.”

That, said Gould, makes no sense.
“They effectively contend that (Prop. 139) gives doctors and patients absolute discretion over when to obtain an abortion, no matter the motivations or circumstances,” he wrote. “They effectively contend that the right to discriminate — to terminate a pregnancy on the basis of race, sex, or disability — is now embodied in the state’s basic charter, immune from legislative, executive or judicial regulation at any level of the state government.”

Anyway, Gould said, those existing laws do not violate the initiative.

“The court reasonably could conclude that (Prop. 139’s) ‘fundamental right to abortion’ protects the decision whether to bear a child, but does not guarantee a right to select which child a woman will bear, especially when that decision rests on expressly discriminatory grounds,” he told Como. “There is a difference between ‘I don’t want a child’ and ‘I want a child, but only a male’ or ‘I want only children whose genes predict success in life.’ ”

Gould also said the restrictions do not prohibit a woman from having an abortion “even for discriminatory reasons.” Nor, he said, does it bar doctors from performing the procedure when the patient has not expressed a reason.

Only when a doctor knowingly participates in a woman’s decision to terminate a pregnancy for discriminatory reasons is the law violated, Gould said.

No date is set for a hearing.

How a steadier state party chair brought cheap postage and big dollars to 2024 candidates

Republicans long neglected a provision of campaign finance law allowing state political parties to coordinate with candidates, granting cheaper mail rates and greater, albeit indirect, corporate support for nominees.

But this 2023-2024 cycle, under new chair Gina Swoboda, the Republican Party of Arizona leveraged the strategy long-used by the other side to orchestrate high-caliber mail campaigns in competitive legislative districts.

Despite being outspent by the Democratic Party, Republican majorities grew stronger in both chambers, and consultants and the party treasurer point to the last ditch effort as a saving grace.

“Given what we were up against, we needed every possible advantage to compete with the other party financially,” said Chris Baker, consultant for Sen. Vince Leach, R-Tucson, who pitched the effort to Swoboda in August.. “It’s easy now to say, ‘Look, we won, you know, we picked up a seat in the Senate. We won two seats in the house. Everything went well.’ But three months ago, the general consensus was we were probably going to lose seats in both chambers.”

In 2016, as part of an overhaul of campaign finance, the Legislature passed a provision clearing the way for “the payment by a political party to support its nominee,” including printing, distributing and taking on postage expenses.

Under state law, state political parties can mail at nonprofit rates, which can be anywhere from 20% to 30% cheaper than the price paid by a candidate or committee.

Coordination can also open the door to roundabout benefits from investments from corporate donors, who would otherwise be barred from contributing to a candidate directly under Arizona law.

The same provision exists on the federal level, too, as the non-allocable mail rule.

“The current laws that govern interaction and coordination between the state party and candidates were written, drafted and passed by Republicans,” Daniel Scarpinato, consultant and President of Winged Victory Agency, said. “And yet have largely not been utilized by them, but have very effectively been used by Democrats.”

In past cycles, Democrats have by-and-large handed the reins to the state party on mailing, as well as TV and radio advertising.

Records from the Federal Communication Commission show the Arizona Democratic Party coordinated TV and radio advertising for Gov. Katie Hobbs’ run for secretary of state in 2018, for Adrian Fontes’ secretary of state campaign, Kris Mayes’ attorney general campaign and Hobbs’ gubernatorial campaign in 2022. In 2024, the party coordinated with competitive legislative candidates in select districts.

The same tactic has passed Republicans by until this election cycle.

Chris Baker and now-House Speaker Steve Montenegro pitched candidate coordination to Swoboda in early August.

“To her credit, it would have been easy for her to say, ‘Hey, you know, we’re not set up for this. Let’s get a longer runway, and maybe we’ll do it two years from now,’” Baker said. “But to her credit, she recognized the threat.”

Swoboda did not immediately respond to a request for an interview submitted to the party.

With an eye on competitive districts, Baker said the party then hired a candidates’ mail vendor or consultant to produce literature and then, with the greenlight from the legal team, pay for and distribute mailers.

Baker said that in order to make this work, the party pledged not “to play consultant, or author, and tell the candidates what they could or could not say,” but did set ground rules at the outset.

Each piece of mail was reviewed by the party’s legal team for any potentially libelous material, to avoid any legal liability and for any implicit or explicit attacks on either another Republican candidate or the Republican Party platform.

Attorney Kory Langhofer noted the state party’s responsibility and review is crucial in ensuring legal compliance.

“Legally, the state party must retain control of the message on non-allocable mail, and not just as a pass-through from the candidate,” Langhofer said. “So the whole program requires candidates to trust the party will target its mailing and design its mail pieces appropriately.”

All in all, according to Baker, the party coordinated mailers for 22 candidates, ranging from the Trump campaign to the legislative races.

Baker credited Swoboda and AZGOP Treasurer Elijah Norton for taking on the effort weeks before the general election.

“There would have been no dishonor for her to say, ‘Look, we just don’t have enough time.’ But she didn’t do it. She jumped in,” Baker said.

Norton said coordination required trust from candidates, given their part of paying into the state party, without any earmark or requirement the party spend the funds in a particular way.

Per pre-general election campaign finance reports, the higher candidate investments included about $75,000 from state Sen. Shawna Bolick, R-Phoenix, over the course of the cycle, and $70,000 from Sen.-elect Carine Werner.

Norton said this cycle’s program saw about $700,000 put in from candidates and a return $750,000 investment from the party.

“Once a legislative candidate donates to the party, the party can do whatever it wants with that money,” Norton said. He said Swoboda’s standing as party chair made a significant difference, drawing a contrast to past party chairs.

“For example, under Kelli Ward and Pam Kirby, they spent 200 grand on a bus and a party, and I just don’t think people thought they were going to be good stewards of contributions,” Norton said. “And in this new administration, we were very fiscally conservative. We didn’t do an election night party. We focused on spending all of our resources on winning races, and that was obviously reflected in the results.”

Norton noted corporate donors came back to the party, too, noting contributions from the Arizona Restaurant Association, which contributed $24,000, and the Arizona Chamber of Commerce and Industry, which gave $48,000.

The AZGOP reported about $4,000 from corporations in the first quarter, $136,208 in the second, $18,500 in the third, and $96,000 in the pre-general report.

“It was trust,” North said. “I think donors and organizations and groups have to and candidates have to trust the party to be good stewards of the donations that they give. And if they don’t have trust, then they don’t give. When we would receive a contribution, we would make sure that the contribution was spent on winning races, not on all the finer things that prior administrations wasted it on in the past.”

And win races they did.

Republicans grew their majority in the House to 33-27, and picked up one seat in the Senate, winning seats in key swing districts.

Baker said the strategy made all the difference for Leach, noting he came out of a competitive primary against incumbent Sen. Justine Wadsack with “basically no money.”

He said Leach sent nine pieces of mail through coordination with the state party to a neighborhood of 30,000 to 35,000 voters.

Anecdotally, as one of the reviewers of other candidate mail, he said candidates in other districts, campaigns sent anywhere from five to eight pieces of mail to equally, if not more, expansive voter lists.

“We maybe would have been able to do half that. In a close race like that, that was a game changer,” Baker said. “It really made all the difference in the world for us. I think a lot of candidates in these very tight, competitive races would say the same thing.”

Montenegro elected speaker, Senate retains Petersen as president

Republicans and Democrats in the state House and Senate elected caucus leaders Tuesday, and a new House Speaker is set to be installed in the next legislative session. 

House Republicans elected Rep. Steve Montenegro, R-Goodyear as speaker in a closed caucus meeting. 

“We are stronger than ever before right now,” Montenegro said. “The last election cycle has shown it where the Democrats have spent tens of millions of dollars to try to flip the chambers, but they’ve done so unsuccessfully. The people of Arizona have spoken.”

Multiple Republican lawmakers confirmed Montenegro got 18 out of 33 votes. Current Majority Leader Leo Biasiucci, R-Lake Havasu City, and Rep. Joe Chaplik, R-Scottsdale, also sought the speakership.

Montenegro has held leadership positions in previous terms of service at the House, including majority leader and speaker pro tempore. 

Several Freedom Caucus Republicans publicly supported Chaplik. Chaplik ran for speaker in 2022, but the caucus elected Rep. Ben Toma, R-Peoria. 

“(The legislature) is going to be about the budget, like it always is,” Toma said after presiding over the caucus election for the new speaker. “Some of the other policies, I don’t know what’ll happen over the next two years but what I do know is we’re going to look to grow this and take some of these executive offices back in ‘26.”

House Republicans also elected Rep. Michael Carbone, R-Buckeye, as majority leader and Rep. Julie Willoughby, R-Chandler, as caucus whip.

Current Majority Whip Teresa Martinez, R-Casa Grande, and representative-elect Justin Olson ran for majority leader, according to Republicans leaving the meeting. Carbone received 18 votes and Willoughby ran uncontested. 

Olson, a Mesa Republican elected in Legislative District 10, was a former member of the Arizona Corporation Commission and previously served in the House from 2011 to 2017.

Rep. David Livingston, R-Peoria, said he views Montenegro as a “strong” Republican that will help guide the GOP-controlled House into working with Democratic Gov. Katie Hobbs over the last two years of her term. 

“There are no two speakers that are the same … All the people that ran today had a similar message of Arizona first, America first, citizens first, economic development, border security, family security, that was all very common.”

Montenegro commended the outgoing leadership team and how Toma, Biasiucci and Martinez have worked with the Hobbs administration while pushing for conservative policy goals.

“We want to build on what they’ve started, what they’ve continued to do,” Montenegro said. “United as a caucus, we’re going to take it to the next level.”

In 2018, Montenegro ran in the Republican primary election to be a U.S. House candidate in Arizona’s 8th Congressional District but his campaign took a negative hit after several news outlets reported he had been involved in a sexting scandal with a Senate staffer.

Montenegro said in a written statement in 2018 that he had allowed the relationship with the staffer to become “too familiar” but maintained that never solicited photos from the staffer.

The staffer accused Montenegro of revenge porn after the woman learned that the photos she sent Montenegro were shared to others.

Rep. Matt Gress, R-Phoenix, said Tuesday the caucus didn’t discuss the controversy that previously surrounded Montenegro. 

“All the candidates were future-focused,” Gress said. 

House Democrats also held its caucus organizational meeting Tuesday morning. The caucus elected Rep. Oscar De Los Santos, D-Laveen, as minority leader. De Los Santos is the current assistant minority leader. 

Democrats elected Rep. Nancy Gutierrez, D-Tucson, as assistant leader. Reps. Quantá Crews, D-Phoenix; and Stacey Travers, D-Tempe, will be the caucus whips. 

“It’s an honor to be chosen to lead this outstanding caucus,” De Los Santos said in a written statement. “This is a strong, smart and experienced team who will fight for you, for your public schools, for your rights, for our state’s precious resources, for your bottom line and for your neighborhood. We have tremendous challenges ahead as a state, and as a country, but we will not back down from extremism, and we will face them together.

Some Democrats had other candidates in mind. Rep. Alma Hernandez, D-Tucson, called for a woman to be minority leader on Monday and her sister Rep. Consuelo Hernandez, D-Tucson, was rumored to be seeking the position.

Alma Hernandez ran to be minority leader after former Rep. Andres Cano resigned from the position in 2023, leading to a nine hour organizational meeting where she challenged Minority Leader Lupe Contreras, D-Avondale, for the spot. 

“After two years of talking about unity and involving all voices of our caucus, we have returned to the same playbook. Good job, Dems, and good luck with that,” Alma Hernandez wrote in a post on X after the House Democrats minority leader election Tuesday.

Some Republicans also have already taken shots at De Los Santos for being endorsed by the Arizona Communist Party. Livingston told reporters he believes De Los Santos needs to refute the endorsement.

“If the minority leader doesn’t want that endorsement, he should publicly make a statement to that effect. Otherwise it is assumed he’s accepted it and is part of it,” Livingston said. 

Petersen, Toma, monument, lawsuit, Biden
Senate President Warren Petersen, R-Gilbert

Senate Republicans elected Sen. Warren Petersen, R-Gilbert, to lead the chamber again. Petersen was first elected president in 2022. Petersen first announced he was elected president uncontested in a post on X.

“I am grateful for their confidence.  The media got something right.  This is the most conservative Legislature in history,” Petersen wrote in his post. “We will continue to deliver a conservative agenda that will protect liberty and promote prosperity.

The Senate GOP caucus also elected Sen. Janae Shamp, R-Surprise, as majority leader and Sen. Frank Carroll, R-Sun City West, as majority whip. 

Democrats elected Sen. Priya Sundareshan, D-Tucson as minority leader of the Senate. Sen. Flavio Bravo, D-Phoenix, was elected as assistant minority leader. 

“It is a great honor that my fellow caucus members have elected me as their Minority Leader for the upcoming legislative session,” Sundareshan said in a written statement. “The fight ahead will be uphill and the work will be hard. I am confident that along with my newly elected leadership team, we will deliver the very best possible for the people of Arizona.

Sen. Rosanna Gabaldón, D-Green Valley, will be the Senate minority whip, while Sen. Lela Alson, D-Phoenix, will be the caucus chair.

Judgement Day for DEI? Voters should decide

Arizona lawmakers are teaming up with voters to abolish state-sponsored race-based discrimination, but some proponents of “diversity, equity, and inclusion” (DEI) aren’t on board.  This week, the Arizona Senate passed...

Get 24/7 political news coverage and access to events honoring top political professionals

GOP lawmakers to return vetoed border bill to Hobbs

Refusing to take “no” for an answer, Republican legislators are going to resend the same border law enforcement bill back to Gov. Katie Hobbs that she vetoed just a week...

Get 24/7 political news coverage and access to events honoring top political professionals

Ex-lawmakers bring baggage to 2022 races

Ten former lawmakers, many of whom have personal or political baggage, are on the ballot for legislative seats this year. Two of them are running against each other. One once...

Get 24/7 political news coverage and access to events honoring top political professionals

You don't have credit card details available. You will be redirected to update payment method page. Click OK to continue.