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A new chapter in college athletics

David McCarville

A federal judge has granted final approval of the groundbreaking House v. NCAA Name, Image, Likeness (NIL) settlement, and it will take effect July 1. College athletics will enter a new era in which Division 1 colleges and universities will directly compensate student athletes, subject to a cap of $20.5 million per institution. This settlement also approves nearly $2.8 billion in retroactive NIL back for certain Arizona-based and other state athletes who’ve competed over the past decade.

Arizona’s SB 1615: A local response with national implications

Just weeks before the House v. NCAA settlement received final approval, Arizona took a bold first step by enacting SB1615, a state law designed to expand NIL rights for student-athletes further. Signed by Gov. Katie Hobbs in May 2025, the law marks a significant shift in how NIL is treated at the state level. By enacting SB1615, colleges and universities are enabled to directly facilitate and pay student-athletes for the use of their name, image, and likeness.

K.J. Russell

Although originating from different processes, legislation versus litigation, Arizona’s SB1615 and the House v. NCAA settlement align closely in creating a complementary framework for NIL reform. SB1615 explicitly empowers Arizona’s public universities to directly compensate student-athletes for the use of their name, image, and likeness, eliminating prior uncertainty over institutional involvement in NIL transactions. However, while Arizona’s law grants institutions broader authority, it does not exempt them from the enforcement structure created by the House settlement.

In fact, Arizona State University and the University of Arizona have no choice but to comply. As members of the Big 12 Conference, a named defendant in the settlement, both institutions are bound by the terms of the settlement.

The power conferences, including the Big 12, are expected to soon launch the College Sports Commission, a new governing body charged with the implementation and enforcement of the settlement terms. The commission will oversee the clearinghouse called NIL Go, developed in partnership with Deloitte and LBi Software. NIL Go will review deals valued at $600 or more and determine whether a deal reflects a fair market value. In Arizona, this is a layer of compliance that cannot be ignored. Future deals lacking approval could lead to athlete ineligibility or institutional fines.

Nevertheless, key discrepancies exist between SB1615 and the NCAA settlement. While Arizona’s law explicitly avoids compensation limits and restricts external oversight by athletic associations, the settlement imposes institutional compensation caps and establishes centralized enforcement through the College Sports Commission. Additionally, differing positions on student-athlete employment status and transparency in NIL deals could create compliance challenges. Institutions in Arizona may thus face complex legal considerations navigating these conflicting standards, potentially necessitating further legislative clarification or judicial resolution.

What the House settlement actually means

The House v. NCAA settlement is far more than a financial resolution. This settlement represents a structural overhaul of NIL and how student-athletes will be compensated going forward. The settlement can be illustrated as a two-part transformation:

Compliance and oversight

The settlement establishes an NCAA-run enforcement body to monitor compliance, handle disputes, and impose sanctions where necessary. Together, the clearinghouse and enforcement mechanisms represent a clear shift away from the NCAA’s previously hands-off, wait-and-see approach to NIL from its inception. This new, regulated, and institutionalized model demands diligence from all parties involved: the schools, collectives, brands, athletes, and agents.

Arizona’s proactive stance amid compliance complexities

Arizona has taken an assertive and athlete-focused approach with SB1615, potentially serving as a blueprint for other states aiming to retain top talent and exercise greater local control over NIL markets. Yet, even as Arizona positions itself proactively, institutions must navigate substantial compliance complexities arising from the differences between state law and the NCAA settlement terms. As other states develop similar laws, these discrepancies could broaden, posing significant challenges to uniform national enforcement. Thus, Arizona’s legislation represents both a pioneering step forward and a reminder of the evolving and intricate legal landscape surrounding NIL compensation.

K.J. Russell is an associate attorney in Fennemore’s Business & Finance practice group. He is a registered NIL agent.

David McCarville is a business and finance director at Fennemore. He is an adjunct professor at the Sandra Day O’Connor College of Law at Arizona State University.

Transgender sports ban in limbo as US Supreme Court ends its term

Key Points: 
  • U.S. Supreme Court ended its term before a decision on transgender sports law
  • Arizona’s law bans transgender woman from participating in girl’s sports
  • It is unclear when, or if, Court will make a decision on the law

A decision on whether transgender girls in Arizona will be able to participate in girls’ sports will have to wait.

The U.S. Supreme Court ended its term on June 30, ignoring a bid by state officials to strike down a federal court ruling upholding a preliminary injunction barring Arizona from enforcing its Save Women’s Sports Act.

That 2022 law spells out that teams designated for women or girls “may not be open to students of the male sex.” And by “sex,” the law means the one assigned at birth based on a baby’s sex organs.

Yet the inaction by the nation’s high court may not be the last word.

The justices could decide as early as July 3 whether they want to hear legal arguments from state officials seeking to overturn lower court rulings in Arizona and other states that voided the law. Or they could simply decide to let stand lower court rulings against the state.

For the moment, though, the two transgender girls in Arizona who are at issue in this case continue their ability to play on girls’ teams, one at the Gregory School in Tucson, the other at Kyrene Aprende Middle School in Chandler.

Ultimately, the outcome of the legal wrangling will determine whether, and to what extent, Arizona can enforce its law.

What’s behind the 2022 law is the argument that males have an inherent biological advantage over females. That, according to proponents, makes it unfair for those who were born as boys to compete against biological girls.

The 2022 law had no significant impact on most athletes in the state.

What it did do, however, was overrule the practice by the Arizona Interscholastic Association of allowing transgender girls to participate in girls’ sports only if approved by a committee of medical and psychiatric experts.

That approval was rare: According to court records, in the decade prior to the litigation, the AIA fielded 12 requests, approving just seven, from transgender students seeking to play on teams consistent with their gender identity. That’s out of about 170,000 students who play sports in Arizona each year.

And seeking to avoid the debate about physical strength, this lawsuit, filed in 2023, involves two transgender girls who, according to their lawyers, have not yet entered puberty and have been taking puberty blockers.

U.S. District Court Judge Jennifer Zipps agreed the law should not be enforced against them. In entering a preliminary injunction, she said the two have “athletic capabilities like other girls their age” and would find playing on a boys’ team “humiliating and embarrassing.”

What’s before the Supreme Court is a 9th Circuit Court of Appeals decision that upheld that ruling.

Appellate Judge Morgan Christen, writing for the court, said the ban does not consider individual circumstances, affecting everyone from kindergarten through graduate school. And it also covers all sports, including intramural games, regardless of whether physical contact is involved.

“Significantly, the ban turns entirely on a student’s transgender or cisgender status, and not at all on other factors like levels of circulating testosterone,” Christen wrote.

State schools chief Tom Horne, who is defending the law, has argued that there is justification for a blanket rule rather than a case-by-case basis.

“If you watch kids on the playground, the third graders, the boys are going to do better at athletics than the girls,” he said.

“What the data show is that even prepubescent boys have an advantage over girls,” Horne said. “In fact, any elementary school gym teacher will tell you that.”

Christen, in that 9th Circuit ruling, acknowledged that Horne cited “a handful of studies” suggesting that prepubescent boys may be taller, have more muscle mass, less body fat or have greater shoulder internal rotator strength than prepubescent girls.

“These students, however, neither attributed these differences to biological rather than sociological factors nor concluded that these differences translated into competitive academic advantages,” Christen wrote. That, the court concluded, includes greater societal encouragement of athleticism in boys, greater opportunities for boys to play sports, or differences in the preferences of boys and girls surveyed.

The judge also said other studies cited by Horne have their own flaws.

And there’s something else that ultimately could determine the outcome of the case.

Christen said the way the Arizona law is worded, it actually allows other students — women, girls, cisgender men and boys, and transgender men and boys — to participate in sports that correspond with their gender identities.

“Only transgender women and girls are barred from doing so,” she wrote. “The act discriminates on its face based on transgender status.”

It is that 9th Circuit ruling that awaits a decision by the Supreme Court when, or if, they decide to rule on it.

Rachel Berg, one of the attorneys representing the transgender girls, said there’s a good reason the high court should not get involved. She said the justices should wait for a final ruling by Zipps on whether to block the 2022 law permanently.

That case has been fully briefed, but there is no specific date for a ruling.

The debate before the high court also comes on the heels of its ruling that Tennessee is free to bar gender affirming medical care for minors like hormone treatment. In that case, the majority concluded the Tennessee law was about regulating the practice of medicine, not sex discrimination.

However, in a new court filing last week, lawyers for the two girls informed Zipps that the ruling should not affect her decision. And at least one reason is that there’s a significant difference in the Arizona case: It’s based, at least in part, on claims that Arizona lawmakers, in enacting the 2022 law, “acted with discriminatory intent,” a factor not present in the Tennessee case.

A finding of an improper motive could prove crucial.

In fact, the Supreme Court, in an earlier ruling, agreed to allow the attorneys for the transgender girls to question under oath both Senate President Warren Petersen and Ben Toma, who had been speaker of the House at the time of the measure’s passage. The high court also agreed with an order by Zipps to require the pair to surrender documents in their possession about the enactment of the law, including one that the trial judge said has “talking points” about the statute.

Those depositions and documents, which could help Zipps decide if illegal discrimination was behind the 2022 law, currently remain sealed.

Gov. Hobbs likely to sign bill for Chase Field despite opposition

Gov. Katie Hobbs may not sign a budget this week, but she will likely sign a negotiated measure to use sales tax revenue and state income tax revenue for stadium renovations at Chase Field. 

The House passed House Bill 2704 (tax; distribution; county stadium district) 35-20, with the Freedom Caucus joining some Democrats in opposition.

The bill is intended to keep the Diamondbacks in downtown Phoenix, with the team’s lease at the stadium ending in 2027. 

Other Democrats who were previously hesitant about the bill voted for it because of the jobs it will bring to Arizonans. 

“This morning, I wasn’t ready to vote yes on this bill,” said Rep. Mariana Sandoval. “But because I’ve learned that unions have signed contracts to get work from this bill, I am going to support it.”

The city of Phoenix now supports the bill after fighting against it all legislative session. Before the Senate voted on the bill last week, an amendment was added to bring the city in support of the bill, which caps Phoenix’s annual contribution to the stadium at $3.5 million, adjusted at 3% for inflation. 

Stadium renovations are expected to use $500 million collected from sales tax revenue at the stadium district and from income taxes of Diamondbacks players and staff over the next 30 years.

“I just want to remind the Arizona Diamondbacks that this is public money that should be used for public good,” said Rep. Cesar Aguilar. 

The bill now also restricts the use of tax dollars provided to the Maricopa County Stadium District from being used for luxury amenities such as club seating or pool suites. The Legislature intends for the team to contribute $250 million for the stadium and the bill now has a provision which would put the team on the hook for stadium repairs if the Legislature repeals the tax distributions before 2056. 

Dispute over expert testimony pivotal in transgender sports ban

Key Points:
  • Lawsuit against transgender sports ban in court
  • Both sides are contesting the testimony of rival experts
  • Determination will either reject or maintain ban

Disputes over the legitimacy of expert testimony are taking center stage in the legal challenge to the state ban on transgender girls participation in girls’ sports. 

The case focuses on two unnamed transgender girls’ ability to play on their respective school sports teams. 

However, it extends beyond the plaintiffs to incorporate a broader argument over whether there truly is a difference between the sexes in athletic performance — especially when taking gender affirming care into account — and whether those differences pose a danger to fellow athletes or create an uneven playing field. 

Expert testimony plays a crucial role in any civil case, but the current dispute will determine whether the state can establish a vested government interest in categorically excluding transgender girls from school sports based on alleged threats to fairness and safety.

And those defending the law — State Superintendent of Public Instruction Tom Horne and some legislative leaders — have lost on the issue before.  

Judge Jennifer Zipps previously granted a preliminary injunction on the law allowing the two girls to continue playing on girls’ teams, and she did so with experts and evidence at the forefront. 

In her ruling, Zipps found the defendants failed to advance any “persuasive” or salient evidence finding that transgender girls retained any athletic advantage over their peers pre-puberty. 

As the case queues up again in federal court for a final disposition, so do disputes over whether expert testimony is admissible, and, in the end, determinative. 

Expert witnesses on both sides plan to address the developmental differences, or lack thereof, between the sexes, and the subsequent impacts on athletic performance and fairness in competition. 

The plaintiffs also offer insight into the psychological impacts on transgender children who are excluded from competing. 

The plaintiffs are offering three experts: 

  • Dr. Daniel Shumer, a pediatric endocrinologist, the clinical director of Child and Adolescent Gender Services and the medical director of the Comprehensive Gender Services Program at Michigan Medicine.
  • William Shannon, a biostatician, co-founder and owner of BioRankings, a company providing data analyses and consulting to researchers. 
  • Stephanie Budge, a professor and director of clinical training in the Department of Counseling and Psychology at the University of Wisconsin-Madison, with a research focus on transgender, non-binary and gender diverse populations.  

Defendants Horne, Senate President Warren Petersen and House Speaker Steve Montenegro submitted four experts: 

  • Dr. Chad Carlson, sports medicine doctor at Stadia Sports Medicine. 
  • Linda Blade, an athletic coach with a P.h.D. in kinesiology and author of a book titled “Unsporting: How Trans Activism and Science Denial are Destroying Sport.”
  • Emma Hilton, a developmental biologist at the University of Manchester.
  • Gregory Brown, a professor of exercise science at University of Nebraska Kearney. 

To be deemed an expert in the eyes of the court, the Federal Rule of Evidence requires attorneys to demonstrate that an expert’s testimony is based on sufficient facts or data, the product of reliable principles and methods and reflects a reliable application to the facts of the case. And case law generally charges the courts with excluding irrelevant, unreliable or unnecessary testimony.  

Petersen and Montenegro already lost a bid to exclude Shumer over alleged plagiarism after finding an overlap between his report and declarations submitted in similar court cases.

Zipps denied the motion after finding the allegations did not rise to the level necessary for exclusion, deeming Shumer fit to offer reliable opinions in the case, although she acknowledged he should have included citations.

With one challenge down, attorneys for the plaintiffs are now looking to exclude all four expert witnesses presented by Petersen, Montenegro and Horne. 

Plaintiffs argue none of the experts have any experience with transgender individuals, no research specific to transgender individuals and have no tether to the two plaintiffs in the case. They also take aim at “personal opinion” and “activism” coloring testimony, noting Blade and Hilton’s frequent activity advocating against transgender women and girls in sports on social media. 

“Our position is that being transgender is not a proxy for athletic performance or advantage, and there’s nothing about being transgender that tells you that. Just knowing that someone is transgender tells you nothing about their athletic ability,” Rachel Berg, attorney for the plaintiffs, said. 

“There’s absolutely no evidence that they’ve submitted to demonstrate that the plaintiffs in our case have an unfair athletic advantage or pose any safety risk to other girls.” 

Caitlin Fitz-Maurice, attorney for Horne, said in a written statement, “Contrary to Plaintiffs’ motion, Defendants’ experts are qualified and their testimony will be incredibly invaluable to the fact finder’s analysis as to how the Save Women’s Sports Act ensures safety and fairness for women in sports.”

The case now heads toward the final stages, with both parties having submitted their motions for summary judgment with bids to either uphold the ban or permanently enjoin it. 

The 9th Circuit upheld the earlier preliminary injunction entered by Zipps and is now pending certiorari in the U.S. Supreme Court. 

Private schools, public teams: Should public school sports be open to private school students?

Key Points:
  • Legislation would allow private school students to compete on public school sports teams
  • Advocates believe the bill allows access to important programs for private school students
  • Opponents believe it would unfairly disenfranchise public school students from clubs and sports

Republicans who have championed school choice programs, including a voucher program that allows state money to fund private school tuition, now want to require Arizona’s public school districts to let private school students compete on their sports teams.

But the legislation raises several concerns, not the least of which is whether it would displace students already attending those public schools from team rosters.

The measure championed by Sen. John Kavanagh, R-Fountain Hills, comes as some districts allow private school students to join their local high school teams while others — including his home district — do not.

Kavanagh argues that private school students should have the same opportunity to participate in interscholastic sports as students attending public school if their private school doesn’t offer those activities. 

“Extracurricular school activities, be it football or the chess club, they’re an important part of the student’s learning activities and also an important part of their mental health,” Kavanagh told a House committee last month. 

The measure was approved by the House last week on a voice vote and awaits a formal vote. It has already passed the Senate. 

Kavanagh noted he sponsored a law several years ago that lets home-schooled students try out for public school teams. He said private school students should also have the opportunity.

Senate Bill 1693 includes protections to prevent parents from “gaming the system,” including rules that students must live within the boundaries of the public school whose team they want to play on. Additionally, those students must also have passing grades, and their private school must not offer the sport or activity. They’ll also need to pay any fees that all players must pay and a pro-rated share of the program costs.

Democrats and associations representing school districts and high school sports strongly oppose the measure, arguing that private school students could take spots on a team and displace children attending public schools.

“You guys can change a number of laws down here, but you can’t change the rules related to certain sports,” Mark Barnes, a lobbyist for the Arizona School Administrators Association, told the House Education committee during a recent hearing. “Soccer, there’s 11 people on the field; basketball, five people on the court; baseball, each team gets nine people … There’s a capacity in all these programs, so you can’t just open up teams to an infinite amount of people.”

Barry Aarons, a lobbyist for the Arizona Interscholastic Association and the Arizona Association of School Superintendents, echoed those concerns and listed several others.

“First, let me tell you that choice is choice,” Aarons told the House panel. 

He noted that parents choose their child’s school for a variety of reasons. Sometimes the school they choose doesn’t have a particular sport. 

That’s a tradeoff the parents accepted, Aarons argued, and forcing a local school they don’t attend to let them play on teams and keep a student at that school from participating just isn’t fair. 

“Fountain Hills district has chosen not to allow this,” he said, referring to Kavanagh’s community.

“That is their choice as a school board,” Aarons said. “Mesa Public Schools has chosen to allow it. That is their choice.”

Aarons also pointed to the growing number of “micro-schools” created for athletic participation. He said those schools could put together a roster of top-notch players and then get them all to try out for a school’s team, overwhelming the current players. 

Kavanagh argued that parents pay property taxes to their local school district and should be allowed the benefits.

“The parents pay the same amount of taxes for it — I don’t know why you want to exclude kids,” Kavanagh said during a Senate hearing on the bill. 

Barnes dismissed the tax argument. He noted that people pay taxes to fund the corrections department, community college districts and many other government functions even if they don’t use those services.

“Just because someone pays taxes, I don’t think that alone qualifies them to allow their child to go participate in a district school sport when they have chosen another school,” Barnes said. “We’re not expecting the private schools that take (a school voucher) to open up a sport that they may have (that) a district doesn’t offer.”

Sen. Catherine Miranda, D-Laveen, asked Kavanagh whether he was concerned that a private school student would not fit in with public school students who know each other and are already bonded. Kavanagh dismissed the concerns.

During House debate this past week, Rep. Nancy Gutierrez, D-Tucson, pointed out what she said were built-in inequities in Kavanagh’s bill that are unfair to children attending public school.

She noted that all it requires to show private school students are passing their classes is a note from their parents — not the formal review of grades that students enrolled at a public school need. She also said there’s nothing preventing private schools from joining the Arizona Interscholastic Association and fielding their own sports teams to compete across the state.

Some already do.

Brophy College Preparatory, a Jesuit school for boys in Phoenix, is an AIA member, as are Salpointe Catholic High School, Pusch Ridge Christian Academy and Gilbert Christian School.

“When we’re talking about parent choice and school choice, if you choose a school that does not have sports, then that’s the school you choose,” Gutierrez said.

“So if sports is the most important thing to a student, they should choose a school that has a vibrant sports activity,” she continued. “This is not … have your cake and eat it too. This is you choose, and then you get what you get, and you don’t throw a fit.”

Rep. Matt Gress, R-Phoenix, pushed back, noting that many parents choose a private school because their child has a reading deficit like dyslexia that their local public school isn’t able to address.

“I believe that this is far more of a complicated issue than opponents would let on to,” he said.

“So when I hear my colleague … say, ‘you get what you get,’ sorry if you have a learning disability, no sports for you, you can’t engage in these interscholastic activities, I think that is downright disappointing,” Gress said. “We should be helping all kids in the state of Arizona, regardless of where they come from, regardless of the school environment that they are in. We want every kid to thrive. That’s what this is about.”

House passes D-Backs funding bill 35-25, tosses it to Senate

A legislative proposal intended to keep the Arizona Diamondbacks in Phoenix for the long-term future cleared the Arizona House of Representatives on Feb. 26 as the team officials consider the end of their stadium lease in 2027.

House members passed HB2704 by a vote of 35-25 to get one step closer to stability for where the team will play after the current lease at Chase Field in downtown Phoenix ends. 

Diamondbacks ownership is seeking a funding mechanism for maintenance and repairs at the ballpark, which has been the team’s only home since 1998. 

Rep. Jeff Weninger, R-Chandler, the bill’s sponsor, said, “Let’s make sure we hold onto this economic juggernaut that is the Arizona Diamondbacks. Let’s make sure we hold onto a source of pride for the entire state and let’s make sure the Arizona Diamondbacks are here for years to come and we celebrate many more World Series titles.” 

Lawmakers are working with the Diamondbacks to split future stadium repair costs between the team and sales tax revenue without creating a new tax. 

The bill adopts the model of how the Arizona Cardinals pay for stadium maintenance at State Farm Stadium in Glendale by using income tax revenue from team staff and players combined with sales tax collected from stadium-related purchases.

“This is a proven way to maintain a sports facility and the smartest way to create a partnership between the city, county and state that all benefit from a world-class baseball team,” Weninger said. 

A fiscal note on the bill from the Joint Legislative Budget Committee estimates HB2704 would reduce the state’s general fund revenue by more than $9.2 million annually. Nonpartisan budget analysts also estimate the city of Phoenix would lose $3.5 million annually and Maricopa County would lose $1.1 million annually. 

The Diamondbacks estimate more than $500 million of repair costs for essential stadium projects, including HVAC, plumbing and roof repairs. Diamondbacks leadership has verbally committed to paying for more than half the costs needed for stadium repairs and has projected to contribute between $250 million to $300 million. 

The Diamondbacks don’t own Chase Field. Maricopa County owns the stadium, and a 2018 agreement between the county and the team states that the team is responsible for stadium operations and maintenance as its facility manager. 

“When you own a house and your air conditioning goes out, it’s on you to pay for it,” said Rep. Justin Wilmeth, R-Phoenix. “Much is the case in my opinion on this measure with the D-backs and Chase Field.”

Phoenix Mayor Kate Gallego said in a post on X that the bill subsidizes public taxes and would negatively impact the city’s ability to pay for police and fire services. City officials are estimating the city will lose $200 million over a 30-year period from the deal. 

“Two-thirds of Phoenix’s general fund supports public safety. Phoenix’s tax dollars are best spent supporting our firefighters who respond to emergencies, helping police fight crime, and combating homelessness — not used to pay for subsidies for those at the very top,” Gallego wrote in her post.

The House amended the bill on Feb. 24 to include some transparency measures, including requiring the team’s board of directors to report to the Legislature and Governor’s Office for all reconstruction, repair and maintenance projects at Chase Field.

The amendment also would end the stadium’s tax revenue method after 30 years, leaving future lawmakers to decide on the team’s location. 

Gov. Katie Hobbs said on Feb. 26 that she supports a bill keeping the Diamondbacks in Phoenix and would not veto it just because the city of Phoenix opposes it. 

“I am really hopeful that the points of disagreement between the city, the county and the state can get worked out so that we can get a deal done,” Hobbs said.

Republican political consultant Barrett Marson said he thinks it would be wise for Hobbs to sign the measure in whatever fashion it’s presented to her. 

“Hobbs doesn’t want to be the governor that loses the Diamondbacks,” Marson said. 

The House vote was bipartisan with a handful of Republicans and Democrats voting against the measure. House Democratic leadership and members of the Arizona Freedom Caucus voted against the bill. 

“I am old enough to remember when Democrats opposed taking money from regular taxpayers and giving it to rich corporations,” Rep. Alexander Kolodin, R-Scottsdale, said as he voted against the bill. 

The bill must now pass the Senate before it can reach Hobbs’ desk, where she will decide its fate. 

I am for both inclusion and women’s rights

Elections are all about choices. Candidates and the horse-race-obsessed media often try to make it seem like issues are entirely black and white; or, in this case, red or blue. 

Yet some issues – like the future of women’s sports – aren’t like that. People don’t have to choose between preserving opportunity, safety, and fairness for women, and the kind and inclusive treatment of people who identify as trans. We can be for both.

Alison Furno

As a fitness instructor, I know how much all people – from the youngest children to our senior citizens – benefit from athletic training and staying fit and active. No matter someone’s sex, race, gender identity, sexuality, or disability, getting involved in sports and fitness activities has the potential to better people’s lives. Physical activity provides a host of benefits, including improved mental health, less isolation, lower rates of substance abuse, and better outcomes in academics. The list could go on and on.

It is critical that we provide opportunities for athletic participation for anyone and everyone who is willing to engage. 

Yet that doesn’t mean that we have to gut rules and policies that create fair playing fields for athletic competitions. Arizona offers competitive golf tournaments for senior citizens. There are also robust competitions for boys and girls based on their ages. Age restrictions are put in place not because of a desire to exclude players outside of those age thresholds but to ensure that golfers who are young and developing their skills, or who are older and past their physical prime years, have the chance to compete against those with similar skills. It’s common sense. 

Sex-specific women’s leagues and athletic competitions were created for the same reason: to give women the chance to win. If there weren’t separate leagues for women and for girls, if all sports were co-ed, then women and girls wouldn’t have the chance to win or, in most cases, to even make the team. It’s simply a scientific fact that men and women are physically different, and those physical differences give men an advantage in athletic competitions. 

Recognizing that fact and insisting that female athletic competitions are reserved for women and girls only isn’t needlessly exclusionary; it’s necessary. Americans are seeing every day what happens when males are allowed to compete in women’s sports. Women are getting injured, losing places on teams, and having awards and opportunities stripped from them. Sadly, many girls and women are being discouraged from even playing sports at all. This is a tragedy. 

Title IX was passed more than 50 years ago to stop the kind of sex discrimination that was preventing women and girls from participating in sports. It’s astonishing – and plainly sexist – that today, the Biden-Harris administration is gutting sex-based protections and prioritizing the interests of men who want to compete in women’s leagues over women themselves. Overwhelmingly, Americans know this is wrong. 

Women’s interests are being downgraded when it comes to privacy. Women, including sexual assault survivors, are being told they have no choice but to change and shower in front of men who claim to feel more comfortable in women’s spaces. Women’s comfort and desire for safe, private spaces don’t matter.

This isn’t inclusion. It isn’t kindness. It’s a war on women and on common sense. I’m grateful that some Arizona candidates have spoken out and are protecting women’s sports and spaces, while some federal candidates have indicated they would make restoring women’s right to single-sex sports and spaces a priority. Why haven’t others made the same promise? Why haven’t they even answered this question? 

Inclusion does not require that we abandon common sense and destroy opportunities based on age, sex, or ability. I believe we can achieve both – and want leaders who are willing to stand with women too.

Alison Furno is a fitness instructor, volleyball coach, and resident of Phoenix, Arizona. She is a member of Independent Women’s Network and co-host of Into The Fire.

Court rules against banning transgender girls from girls’ sports

PHOENIX — Arizona has not shown a legitimate reason to categorically ban transgender girls from participating in girls’ sports, the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals ruled Monday.

In a 55-page decision, the three-judge panel rejected claims by state schools chief Tom Horne that there are legitimate reasons for the 2022 law that spells out that teams designated for women or girls “may not be open to students of the male sex.” And by “sex,” the law means the one assigned at birth based on a baby’s sex organs.

Strictly speaking, Monday’s ruling affects only two transgender girls in Arizona who want to participate in sports, one a student at Kyrene Aprende Middle School and another attending the Gregory School, a private school in Tucson. The judges said they have been medicated to block hormones, and there is no evidence presented that either had a physical advantage over those born female.

And, even at that, it simply orders that they be allowed to participate in girls’ sports while the litigation progresses through the court system, litigation that just this past week that a justice of the U.S. Supreme Court concluded will require House Speaker Ben Toma and Senate President Warren Petersen to testify about their motives and turn over documents about the approval of the law.

But Rachel Berg, an attorney with the National Center for Lesbian Rights, which represents the pair, said the effect and the precedent set is crucial for others in the same situation.

“The 9th Circuit recognized that the law is unconstitutional because it’s a categorical ban on all transgender girls from playing on school sports teams,” she said.

“It does so regardless of their individual circumstances,” Berg continued. “The 9th Circuit recognized that just because somebody is transgender tells you nothing about whether they have an athletic advantage.”

Horne said the ruling is not a surprise

“The 9th Circuit is very left wing,” he told Capitol Media Services.

“They’re the most reversed circuit in the country,” Horne said, saying if he’s going to win this he’s going to have to go to the Supreme Court.

The schools chief also accused the court of ignoring evidence he presented about the biological advantage of transgender girls, at any age.

But appellate Judge Morgan Christen, writing for the court, said the evidence presented when the case first went to trial does not back that contention.

She also noted the ban does not consider individual circumstances, affecting everyone from kindergarten through graduate school. And it also covers all sports, including intramural games, regardless of whether physical contact is involved.

“Significantly, the ban turns entirely on a student’s transgender or cisgender (ITALICS) status (ROMAN), and not at all on other factors like levels of circulating testosterone,” Christen wrote.

What it also does is override the policies of the Arizona Interscholastic Association which, until the law was passed, made decisions on a case-by-case basis. Those rules allow transgender girls to play on girls’ teams when a committee of experts found “that the student’s request is appropriate and is not motivated by an improper purpose and there are no adverse health risks to the athlete.”

Christen said this has hardly created a flood.

“In the dozen or so years before adoption of the act, the AIA approved just seven transgender students to play on teams consistent with their gender identities — a tiny number when compared to the roughly 170,000 students playing sports in Arizona each year,” the appellate judge wrote.

The judge also noted that the state law overrules regulations of the National Collegiate Athletic Association. That organization has a sport-by-sport approach, which also requires transgender students to document sport-specific testosterone levels at the beginning of the season and then six months in.

What the Arizona law does, Christen wrote, is replace that with its one-size-fits-all approach. So the law applies, she said, to children who are too young to have gone through puberty, transgender women and girls who have received puberty-blocking medication and hormone therapy and have never gone through male puberty, and transgender girls who have experienced male puberty but have received sustained hormone therapy to suppress circulating testosterone levels.

Horne, for his part, said there is justification for a blanket rule versus a case-by-case basis.

“If you watch kids on the playground, the third graders, the boys are going to do better at athletics than the girls,” he said.

“What the data show is that even prepubescent boys have an advantage over girls,” Horne said. “In fact, any elementary school gym teacher will tell you that.”

He also took a shot at an expert witness called on behalf of the transgender girls.

“He’s a doctor who’s performed hundreds of operations on these people,” Horne said.

“So he’s defending his business,” the schools chief said. “It’s a pretty tawdry business in my opinion.”

Christen acknowledged that Horne cited “a handful of studies” suggesting that prepubescent boys may be taller, have more muscle mass, less body fat or have greater shoulder internal rotator strength than prepubescent girls.

“These students, however, neither attributed these differences to biological rather than sociological factors nor concluded that these differences translated into competitive academic advantages,” Christen wrote. That, the court concluded, includes greater societal encouragement of athleticism in boys, greater opportunities for boys to play sports, or differences in the preferences of boys and girls surveyed.

The judge also said other studies cited by Horne have their own flaws.

One of those says that transgender females who receive puberty blockers have advantages over cisgender females in lean body mass, grip strength and height,

“But appellants overlook that in these studies, male puberty was only (ITALICS) partially (ROMAN) blocked,” Christen wrote.

“In the lean body mass study, for example, the transgender women participants had much more testosterone exposure than transgender girls treated with modern protocols because they started puberty blockers at an average age of 14.5 years,” she said. And one study about height, the judge said, the girls had received puberty blockers from around age 13 and cross-sex hormones at 16, far later than the girls who are challenging the Arizona law.

And there’s something else.

Christen said the way the law is worded, it actually allows other students — women, girls, cisgender men and boys, and transgender men and boys — to participate in sports that correspond with their gender identities.

“Only transgender women and girls are barred from doing so,” she wrote. “The act discriminates on its face based on transgender status.”

Nor was the appellate court swayed by the fact that the law would allow transgender girls to play on boys’ teams.

Christen cited the findings of U.S. District Court Judge Jennifer Zipps, who issued the initial ruling allowing the two transgender girls to play girls’ sports. Zipps said the two have “athletic capabilities like other girls their age” and would find playing on a boys’ team “humiliating and embarrassing.”

“In fact, the (trial) court found that participating in sports on teams that contradict one’s gender is equivalent to gender identity conversion efforts, which every major medical association has found to be dangerous and unethical.”

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