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Ethics, speech and the Arizona legislature

Key Points:
  • House Ethics Committee chair declines to hear complaint against Rep. John Gillette
  • Democrats cited the Republican’s anti-Muslim social media posts
  • Gillette fired back, accusing Democrats of having anti-American values

House Ethics Committee Chairman Rep. Lupe Diaz said he will not take up a complaint against a Republican representative who recently made several anti-Muslim comments on social media, and some House Democrats said they no longer feel safe in his presence. 

Diaz, R-Benson, informed Democrats last week of his decision to reject their complaint against Rep. John Gillette, R-Kingman. Democrats accuse Gillette of dehumanizing an entire religious group by referring to Muslims as “savages” and “terrorists” in a story published in the Arizona Mirror on Sept. 9.

Diaz wrote in a Sept. 12 letter that it would have been unprecedented for him to take action on the complaint against Gillette since remarks, statements or lawmaker opinions are traditionally not the subject of an ethics inquiry. 

“In light of recent events, it is imperative that government institutions protect the freedom of speech, rather than take actions to silence, punish, or censor speech simply because someone might find it offensive or disagreeable,” Diaz wrote. “The inquiry you request this Committee to make would result in no more than an inquiry into the sincerity of Representative Gillette’s beliefs or a debate into the merits of those beliefs — neither for which an Ethics Committee hearing is the proper venue.”

On Sept. 14, following the murder of conservative activist Charlie Kirk, Rep. Sarah Liguori, D-Phoenix, sent an email to House members calling on them to be mindful of their words and to seek unity instead of division. 

“There is no ‘us versus them,’ “ Liguori wrote in her email. “We may represent different districts and different parties, but that shouldn’t define us, because at the end of the day, we are moms and dads, sisters and brothers, friends and neighbors.” 

Gillette responded to Liguori’s email that same day saying “unity is no longer an option” and accusing Democrats of attacking Republicans and their constituents. 

“Your side has called us Nazis, fascists, racists, misogynists, and a ‘direct threat to democracy,’” Gillette’s response stated. He continued to criticize Democrats for aligning with “anti-American” values and said Democrats have awakened a “sleeping giant” like the Japanese military did during the bombing of Pearl Harbor and the terrorists who carried out the attack on the World Trade Center on 9/11.

House Minority Leader Oscar De Los Santos, D-Laveen, called Gillette’s response “troubling.”

“Such comparisons are beyond inflammatory and, in the current climate, are credibly being taken as a call to violence against Democratic lawmakers. Given that Representative Gillette is known to carry a firearm, several members have expressed that they no longer feel safe in his presence,” De Los Santos said in a statement. “We call on elected officials of all stripes to disavow this language and escalation. Silence is tacit endorsement.”

Gillette is not the only lawmaker who has recently been the subject of an ethics complaint over their speech. 

Sen. Jake Hoffman, R-Queen Creek, filed an ethics complaint against Sen. Analise Ortiz, D-Phoenix, earlier in September after alleging that Ortiz’s social media posts revealing the location for U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement activity qualified as disorderly behavior.

Senate Ethics Committee Chairwoman Shawnna Bolick, R-Phoenix, also didn’t take any committee action with Hoffman’s complaint, but instead referred it to the U.S. Attorney’s Office for the District of Arizona to determine if Ortiz interfered with U.S. law enforcement.

In 2024, a House ethics panel determined both De Los Santos and Ortiz engaged in disorderly behavior after the two led a chant on the House floor against Republicans who tabled a vote to repeal the state’s 1864 abortion ban. 

Republicans who filed the 2024 complaint accused De Los Santos and Ortiz of inciting a riot on the House floor, but the two said in a joint statement that Republicans were trying to suppress speech they don’t agree with. The House didn’t take further action on the complaint after the Ethics Committee published its report. 

Sen. Mark Finchem, R-Prescott, also filed a complaint against former Democratic Rep. Mark Cardenas in 2017 — back when Finchem served in the House — over a Facebook post in which Cardenas was critical of Republicans who supported that year’s budget. 

Finchem took issue with Cardenas describing the budget as being made up of “sweetheart deals and bribes to lawmakers” and Finchem accused Cardenas of engaging in impermissible debate by deliberately misrepresenting other lawmakers. Finchem’s complaint also wasn’t heard in the Ethics Committee that year.

Revived bill aims to restrict public funding for abortion services in Arizona

Key Points:
  • Rep. Lupe Diaz plans to reintroduce a bill that would prevent the state from providing public funding to clinics that promote or perform abortions
  • Opponents of the proposed bill say it would restrict health care access for low income patients
  • Republican lawmaker plans to revive bill to ban public funding for abortions

A Republican lawmaker wants to revive a bill that would prohibit the state from providing public funding to facilities and clinics that perform or promote abortions.

Rep. Lupe Diaz, R-Benson, said he plans to reintroduce his measure to prevent the state from entering into a contract or providing grants to any person or facility that provides or advises clients to seek an abortion.

Under current law, Arizona doesn’t allow public funding for most abortions except for emergencies, but Diaz’s proposal would expand upon that provision.

“For me and … all of the Republican Caucus, is that it is an individual and that individual deserves the same rights as any citizen under the constitution, which means protection of life,” said Diaz, who serves as the pastor of a nondenominational church in Benson. “Once you begin to violate … to cross that line, then, yeah, I’m going to restrict every dollar that I can from going to promote, perform and provide an abortion.”

Diaz’s original bill, House Bill 2547, passed the House along party lines before moving to the Senate, where it was approved in the Senate Government Committee. The measure then stalled before being approved by the chamber.

Supporters of the bill acknowledged that voters approved Proposition 139 last fall, which enshrines the right to an abortion in the state Constitution. However, they opposed the idea of taxpayer money funding facilities that advertise the procedure as a viable option for unwanted pregnancies.

“The crux of this whole issue is whether the taxpayer should be paying for that promotion,” said U.S. Rep Andy Biggs, R-Ariz, at the Senate Government Committee hearing on March 19. “So if you’re defining promotion as someone going in and being referred to a specific specialist for medical care, in this instance, there is no rationale that says that the public should have to be paying for that.”

The legislation drew strong opposition from medical professionals and abortion-rights groups that criticized the bill for attempting to circumvent the new constitutional right to abortion. 

According to those groups, the bill could limit access to health care options, affect low income people who rely on publicly funded clinics for reproductive health care and lead to the closure of facilities that provide abortions and other health care. 

“Arizonans spoke loud and clear last election when they overwhelmingly approved Prop 139. Yet extremists in the state legislature continuously target and stigmatize health care professionals and health centers at the expense of the health and well-being of Arizona’s already-vulnerable communities,” said Planned Parenthood Advocates of Arizona Interim President and CEO, April Donovan, in a statement. “We made clear this legislative session that HB 2547 is unpopular among voters and completely misleading – the bill was stalled and should not be revived.”

Diaz disagreed with the idea that the legislation would restrict health care services.

“There’s still going to be services provided. And for the low income, there’s going to be plenty of medical availability for them,” he said. “They just can’t perform abortions or promote them.”

Diaz originally said on X on June 26 that he was going to bring back the bill after the U.S. Supreme Court ruled in Medina v. Planned Parenthood South Atlantic case that a private citizen couldn’t sue South Carolina for excluding Planned Parenthood from receiving state Medicaid funding.

Although the ruling allows South Carolina to move forward with its plans, it still doesn’t address the legality of removing government funding from clinics that perform abortions, said James G. Hodge Jr., the Peter Kiewit Foundation professor of law and director of the Center for Public Health Law and Policy at Arizona State University’s Sandra Day O’Connor College of Law.

“They did not make any statement about whether South Carolina’s maneuver here was actually legally sound,” Hodge said. “We still don’t know exactly whether or not that will fly with the U.S. Supreme Court. They have not clarified that. My best guess is they will probably allow it.”

Arizona is one of 38 states with laws that restrict the use of public resources for abortions to varying degrees, according to data compiled in November 2022 by Temple University’s Center for Public Health Law Research. 

Most of the state policies mirror federal law by restricting funding for abortions except for emergencies.

States have intensified efforts to limit abortions since the Supreme Court reversed Roe v. Wade and withdrew the constitutional right to an abortion in 2022, Hodge said.

However, Diaz’s bill might face obstacles with Democratic Gov. Katie Hobbs, who has expressed her support for protecting abortion rights and women’s healthcare.

But that still won’t deter Diaz, who referred to Prop. 139 as a “special interest initiative.”

“I believe in good and evil,” he said. “And this was nothing but evil.”

Republican lawmakers pushing bills to chip away at voter-approved right to abortion

Republican lawmakers are advancing what could be a head-on challenge to the options women have under the newly approved constitutional amendment guaranteeing a fundamental right to terminate a pregnancy.

And a separate GOP bill awaiting a House vote would undermine state funding for health clinics if their staffers even mention to patients that they have the legal option of abortion.

On a party-line vote, members of the House Judiciary Committee on Feb. 19 approved legislation that would impose new requirements and restrictions on the use of abortion-inducing drugs. These range from requiring a physician to first examine the patient to blood tests and scheduling a follow-up visit.

Rep. Rachel Keshel, the sponsor of HB2681, did not show up to testify at the hearing to explain her legislation or the need for it. The Tucson Republican also did not return messages seeking comment.

Instead, lawmakers heard from Maura Rodriguez from Arizona Right to Life who said she used to work for Planned Parenthood and related stories of women who were given bad advice or no advice at all.

And Grace Hertz told legislators about other women who she said had problems, including bleeding, after using the pills.

Rep. Rachel Keshel

But Keshel has made no secret she wants to undo Proposition 139.

She argues that voters made a mistake and, she contends, were misled when they approved the initiative in November by a 3-2 margin. Keshel already is sponsoring a measure to ask voters to partially repeal the constitutional amendment in 2026.

This proposal, however, takes a different tack. It seeks to impose the new restrictions despite the explicit language and prohibitions in Proposition 139 in further legislative restrictions.

Arizona law already spells out that only doctors may provide abortion-inducing drugs. There also are requirements for things like ensuring patients have given informed consent and reporting requirements.

The legality of none of these have been tested since approval of Prop 139.

Despite that, Keshel’s HB2681 seeks to impose even more requirements, including that the doctor independently verify a pregnancy exists, new documentation requirements, determine the patient’s blood type and inform the patient “of possible physical and psychological aftereffects” of the drug.

But Jodi Liggett, lobbyist for Reproductive Freedom for All, contends the state can’t do that.

“In November, Arizona voters approved Proposition 139, enshrining a constitutional right to abortion,” she said.

What it also does, Liggett reminded lawmakers, is spell out that this is a fundamental right prior to the point of fetal viability. And what that means, according to the language that voters approved, is the state cannot deny, restrict or interfere with that right “unless justified by a compelling state interest that is achieved by the least restrictive means.”

“We believe that these restrictions violate the constitution,” she said.

Rep. Quang Nguyen, who chairs the panel, was not convinced. He pointed out that the two individuals who spoke in favor of the bill said that women were not given directions, told stories about others who had suffered bleeding, and that some people received the drugs through the mail.

“I can’t speak to an individual experience,” Liggett responded.

She said, though, that the state already regulates the practice of medicine, just as the Food and Drug Administration of drugs. And Liggett said when the protocols are followed, more than 300 studies have shown the medications are safe.

And the stories told to lawmakers?

“Of course, it’s a tragedy when someone falls into that less than one-third of 1 percent” who have complications, she said.

All that, however, still leaves the question of how much latitude lawmakers have to impose new restrictions given the language of Proposition 139.

“Arizonans spoke loud and clear last election when they overwhelmingly approved Proposition 139,” said Erika Mach. She is a lobbyist for Planned Parenthood Advocates of Arizona, the political arm of the organization.

“Yet this Republican-controlled state legislature is continuing to introduce and advance legislation that amends and dismantles this newly founded constitutional right to abortion,” Mach said.

In fact, she contends that some of the laws that  already were on the books before the November vote are themselves now illegal.

That, Mach said, specifically includes a ban on telemedicine, instead requiring women to have a face-to-face visit with a doctor to obtain the abortion drug. Also overruled, she argues, are requirements for a 24-hour waiting period, what she called “unnecessary ultrasounds,” and a requirement that medication abortions be done only by doctors and not specially trained clinicians.

And then there’s that ban on the mailing of medication abortions.

So far the only challenge that has been filed alleging a conflict with Prop 139 is to the state’s 15-week limit on abortions. Planned Parenthood and others filed suit in December seeking a ruling that it is no longer enforceable and their staffers cannot be prosecuted for abortions beyond that point because of the language in the initiative.

Maricopa County Superior Court Judge Frank Moskowitz has yet to rule on the request.

Keshel’s bill isn’t the only bid by GOP lawmakers to restrict abortions, at least indirectly.

Arizona law already bars the use of state dollars to perform abortions. That prohibition of state funds also applies to any person who performs abortions as well as anyone who operates a facility where abortions are performed.

Now the House is set to consider a bill that would deny state dollars to any individual who even just “promotes” abortions.

There is no definition in HB2547 of what that means. But Liggett told members of the House Government Committee, which was hearing that measure, that it would defund clinics that provide other reproductive and health care services just because they inform women that they are legally entitled to terminate a pregnancy.

“We think this is dangerous for the patient,” she said. What it also would do, said Liggett, is endanger funding for clinics that don’t provide abortions but do provide services like family planning, contraception and treatment of sexually transmitted diseases, and do tell patients of their rights.

This isn’t just about grants to those clinics.

Dr. Julie Kwatra, a Scottsdale obstetrician and gynecologist, said it also could endanger the ability of doctors to get reimbursement for routine services for patients who are in the state’s Medicaid program simply because they tell some about the option to terminate a pregnancy.

Rep. Lupe Diaz

But Rep. Lupe Diaz who is the sponsor of the legislation told colleagues that the approval of Proposition 139 proves to him there is no need for any state dollars to go to anyone who even promotes abortion.

“The abortion industry has a ton of money already,” said the Benson Republican.

“They were able to fund 139 with monies coming in from out of state, from throughout the nation, and probably outside of the nation,” he said. “We have some big players out there that want to just kill babies and that kind of stuff.”

Campaign finance reports show supporters of the ballot measure spent more than $33 million. That includes $4.7 million from The Fairness Project, which supports abortion ballot measures in multiple states, $3.25 million from the Advocacy Action Fund and $3 million from Planned Parenthood Action Fund.

There is no evidence of international donations.

The 4-3 vote in the committee came even after Marilyn Rodriguez, a lobbyist for Planned Parenthood Advocates, informed each of the lawmakers on the panel that Proposition 139 was approved by voters in each of their legislative districts.

For example, she said, 95,000 residents of LD 17, which Keshel represents, supported the initiative. By contrast, Rodriguez said, Keshel herself got just 71,000 votes.

“Your voters support abortion,” she told lawmakers, asking them to “respect their constitutional rights and vote ‘no.’ ”

Keshel, for her part, said she sides with Diaz, citing figures that Planned Parenthood nationally received close to $998 million in private donations in the 2022-2023 cycle.

“People like us, who do not support abortions, I don’t want a single penny of my taxpayer dollars going to that,” she said. “Planned Parenthood is doing just fine with donations from people who do support that.”

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