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Lawmaker moves to mitigate Mayes’ public nuisance powers

Key Points:
  • GOP lawmakers are taking aim at the Arizona Attorney General over her public nuisance lawsuits
  • Mayes has been using unprecedented public nuisance laws to curb the water use of large-scale agricultural businesses 
  • Mayes argues she is stepping up to defend rural Arizonans when legislators have failed to act

Republican lawmakers are moving to clip the legal wings of Attorney General Kris Mayes, with one legislator even calling her a “bully” for how she is pursuing companies over their groundwater pumping.

Legislation approved by both the House and Senate would allow those who believe they have been damaged by an improper “nuisance” or “consumer fraud” lawsuit to sue the attorney general for damages — everything from legal fees to lost profits and even a reduction in the value of the business.

It would not be absolute.

The action would have to have been dismissed or found to have no merit. And the person filing the suit would have to show that the attorney general knew the action lacked merit — or, at least, that she publicized the lawsuit. But Rep. Lupe Diaz, R-Benson, said it should be enough to restrain any overly anxious attorney general from going after businesses using that nuisance claim.

Mayes, however, says she is acting to protect residents from corporations that take advantage of the fact that state lawmakers have failed to regulate groundwater pumping in rural areas. Those nuisance laws, she said, provide the only legal avenue for relief.

HB 2167 is just one of three measures filed by Diaz that he acknowledges are aimed at Mayes — and how he contends she is acting improperly in using public nuisance laws to go after companies over the amount of groundwater they are pumping.

He is also behind a second measure that would make the attorney general automatically guilty of defamation if she filed a public nuisance lawsuit that, as in the case of HB 2167, lacked merit and she knew about it and publicized it.

And a third would prohibit an attorney general from filing a nuisance action unless she first had the permission of the county board of supervisors.

So far, though, only HB 2167 has cleared both the House and the Senate and is now on Gov. Katie Hobbs’s desk.

What started all this was that Mayes filed suit two years ago against a Saudi company to force it to stop “excessively pumping groundwater” at its western Arizona alfalfa operations and require it to set aside funds to compensate neighbors it has damaged.

More to the point, she is using a largely untested legal theory that the actions of Fondomonte have created a “public nuisance” by pumping so much water it has dried up the wells of nearby neighbors and resulted in subsidence of the land around Vicksburg in La Paz County.

That case is still pending. And any new legislation would not affect it.

Since that time, however, Mayes used the threat of a similar lawsuit to force Riverview, LLP, a Minnesota company that owns two large dairies in the Willcox basin to take 2,000 acres of farmland out of production and set aside $11 million for well drilling and water access for affected residents in Cochise County’s Sulfur Springs Valley.

More to the point, Mayes has suggested she might use the same nuisance law to go after others who are withdrawing large quantities of groundwater in rural areas where there now are few, if any, state restrictions.

“People are not trusting the government today,” he said of his legislation. “This will help to be able to bring some accountability and some comfort to those that may be feeling like Big Brother is coming against them.”

But he made it clear that his aim was narrow: To rein in the use of nuisance laws by Mayes and any future attorney general.

“I think that will help them think twice about pursuing these and putting the public in a position of having to defend themselves in court and spend all that money doing that,” Diaz said.

Rep. Teresa Martinez had a simpler explanation for her support of curbing Mayes’ power.

“I hate a bully,” said the Casa Grande Republican.

But Rep. Mariana Sandoval said she sees the legislation through a different lens.

“This is a thinly veiled attempt to intimidate the attorney general and shield powerful foreign corporations like Fondomonte and Riverview from accountability for draining Arizona’s scarce groundwater,” said the Goodyear Democrat.

Fellow Democratic Rep. Stephanie Stahl Hamilton of Tucson said she, too, isn’t buying Diaz’s argument that he is attempting to shield common people from the abuses of large government, especially when it comes to Mayes using the public nuisance law. That is the one option the attorney general says she has to deal with excessive groundwater pumping in rural areas.

“When I think about standing up for the little guy, and I think about who the little guy is in the state, I can’t discount the stories that I’ve heard of people who go to turn on their tap water and there’s no water there,” she said.

“I cannot discount the stories I’ve heard of foundations cracking, thus eliminating any kind of equity in home ownership,” Stahl Hamilton said. “And I absolutely think that our attorney general is listening to the little guy in this case and is paving a way forward.”

All that goes to the regulation — or lack thereof — of groundwater pumping in rural areas.

Major urban areas are located within “active management areas” where pumping is monitored and regulated. There also are “irrigation non-expansion areas” with certain limits.

Pumping pretty much everywhere else is ungoverned. And efforts by some local officials in rural counties to force better oversight have so far gone unheeded.

Mayes noted the gap in the law when filing suit against Fondomonte, a company that came to Arizona to grow alfalfa to feed dairy cattle in Saudi Arabia, where such farming is not allowed.

“Fondomonte is taking advantage of Arizona’s failure to protect its precious groundwater resources,” she said.

All that goes to her decision to use the tool Mayes says she has: The public nuisance provision in the state criminal code. She said that because Fondomonte’s operations are harming its neighbors, that fits the definition.

Mayes wants a court order enjoining the “excessive” pumping of groundwater.

Her lawsuit does not define that in actual terms. But Mayes said that in 2023 alone, Fondomonte used about 31,196 acre-feet of water — more than 10 billion gallons — considered enough to serve about 93,000 single-family homes.

She also wants Fondomonte to set up an “abatement fund” to reimburse others who have been affected.

Among the issues that Maricopa County Superior Court Judge Scott Minder has to decide is whether any of this fits within nuisance laws.

There really is no legal precedent for the case.

The only known use of the law in a situation like this came earlier in Mayes’ tenure, when she used it to go after a company’s plan to mine rock and gravel on a 25-acre parcel it owned in a neighborhood in a rural area near Chino Valley. The site was within 100 feet of homes.

When the state mine inspector said he had no authority to block the plan, Mayes cited nuisance laws and got a court to issue a preliminary injunction.

The only thing is, there was never a final ruling on whether the mine was a nuisance — or whether the nuisance law applied. The lawsuit went away when someone else bought the land and mining plans were abandoned.

It is the future use of those nuisance laws, Diaz said, he wants to restrain.

He said Mayes — or any other attorney general — legally still could pursue nuisance claims. But Diaz said his HB 2167 sets the stage for someone to be able to fight such a claim and recover damages.

That kind of law, he said, might have resulted in a different outcome in what happened with Riverview.

Diaz does not dispute that there are people in the Willcox area who found their wells were drying up. But he said most went down between 100 and 300 feet; Diaz said Riverview was drawing from a different layer in the aquifer at 1,200 feet.

“And then she comes in and threatens that she’s going to take them to court,” he said, without any proof.

The company never admitted it was part of the problem. But Diaz said that, under threat from Mayes, it decided it was better to settle — and pay the $11 million — than risk the same kind of litigation as Fondomonte.

Under his measure, he said, a company could fight the attorney general with a better chance of recovering not just its legal fees, which are typical in many civil cases, but also any other damages it might incur like lost sales, lost profits, and loss in the value of the business.

“I believe she was using her position to extort,” he said.

But Sen. Lauren Kuby said it’s not like Mayes was simply out looking for someone to sue.

“In the Riverview case, the Willcox basin residents were faced with drying wells,” said the Tempe Democrat. “They called upon her office after years of heavy pumping by a large dairy.”

And that, Kuby said, is what led to the settlement to provide $11 million and to follow 2,000 acres.

“This is a concrete fix for a real, ongoing harm,” she said.

Kuby said that’s precisely what’s wrong with HB 2167.

“It would tie the hands of one official, our attorney general, who can act and is acting when communities raise the alarm across our state,” she said. “Riverview shows the model: When harm is real and urgent, the AG must be able to act decisively.”

Diaz, however, said not everything — including wells drying up — require intervention by the attorney general.

“We have been in an almost close to a 30-year drought now,” he said.

“With that, comes a lot of things that we are not prepared for,” Diaz said. “But we also are a very creative people.”

Consider, he said, people in his Southeast Arizona district whose wells have run dry.

“They have bought tanks, they transfer their water, and they continue to move on,” Diaz said, without “everything to be the government to bail everybody out.” And he said there are government programs designed to help rural communities to build or improve drinking water systems.

Diaz also brushes aside claims that Mayes intervened because rural residents want that.

“We are creative people and we get around these things,” Diaz said.

Consider, he said, an acquaintance who has lived in the area a long time, with water trucked into her property every week “so that she can do the laundry and shower and all that kind of stuff.”

“Yeah, they have to watch a little bit of their water use,” Diaz said. “But they trade that off because they like to live in rural Arizona.”

But what of those who sought intervention by Mayes?

“The ones that are complaining the most are the ones that are coming in from California,” he said.

Mayes, for her part, says Diaz is ignoring the reality of the situation — and why she believes that what Diaz is trying to do is harmful.

“Hundreds of residents in Cochise County came out to my town hall to beg for help because their wells were going dry and the land was cracking open around their homes and no one in power was doing anything to protect them,” she said.

“This year, we got them help while the Legislature has gone another session without doing anything to protect rural groundwater,” Mayes said. “It’s outrageous that instead of doing their jobs, Republican lawmakers want to punish me for doing mine.”

Correction: This story has had its headline updated to reflect the story. 

Ethics, speech and the Arizona legislature

Key Points:
  • House Ethics Committee chair declines to hear complaint against Rep. John Gillette
  • Democrats cited the Republican’s anti-Muslim social media posts
  • Gillette fired back, accusing Democrats of having anti-American values

House Ethics Committee Chairman Rep. Lupe Diaz said he will not take up a complaint against a Republican representative who recently made several anti-Muslim comments on social media, and some House Democrats said they no longer feel safe in his presence. 

Diaz, R-Benson, informed Democrats last week of his decision to reject their complaint against Rep. John Gillette, R-Kingman. Democrats accuse Gillette of dehumanizing an entire religious group by referring to Muslims as “savages” and “terrorists” in a story published in the Arizona Mirror on Sept. 9.

Diaz wrote in a Sept. 12 letter that it would have been unprecedented for him to take action on the complaint against Gillette since remarks, statements or lawmaker opinions are traditionally not the subject of an ethics inquiry. 

“In light of recent events, it is imperative that government institutions protect the freedom of speech, rather than take actions to silence, punish, or censor speech simply because someone might find it offensive or disagreeable,” Diaz wrote. “The inquiry you request this Committee to make would result in no more than an inquiry into the sincerity of Representative Gillette’s beliefs or a debate into the merits of those beliefs — neither for which an Ethics Committee hearing is the proper venue.”

On Sept. 14, following the murder of conservative activist Charlie Kirk, Rep. Sarah Liguori, D-Phoenix, sent an email to House members calling on them to be mindful of their words and to seek unity instead of division. 

“There is no ‘us versus them,’ “ Liguori wrote in her email. “We may represent different districts and different parties, but that shouldn’t define us, because at the end of the day, we are moms and dads, sisters and brothers, friends and neighbors.” 

Gillette responded to Liguori’s email that same day saying “unity is no longer an option” and accusing Democrats of attacking Republicans and their constituents. 

“Your side has called us Nazis, fascists, racists, misogynists, and a ‘direct threat to democracy,’” Gillette’s response stated. He continued to criticize Democrats for aligning with “anti-American” values and said Democrats have awakened a “sleeping giant” like the Japanese military did during the bombing of Pearl Harbor and the terrorists who carried out the attack on the World Trade Center on 9/11.

House Minority Leader Oscar De Los Santos, D-Laveen, called Gillette’s response “troubling.”

“Such comparisons are beyond inflammatory and, in the current climate, are credibly being taken as a call to violence against Democratic lawmakers. Given that Representative Gillette is known to carry a firearm, several members have expressed that they no longer feel safe in his presence,” De Los Santos said in a statement. “We call on elected officials of all stripes to disavow this language and escalation. Silence is tacit endorsement.”

Gillette is not the only lawmaker who has recently been the subject of an ethics complaint over their speech. 

Sen. Jake Hoffman, R-Queen Creek, filed an ethics complaint against Sen. Analise Ortiz, D-Phoenix, earlier in September after alleging that Ortiz’s social media posts revealing the location for U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement activity qualified as disorderly behavior.

Senate Ethics Committee Chairwoman Shawnna Bolick, R-Phoenix, also didn’t take any committee action with Hoffman’s complaint, but instead referred it to the U.S. Attorney’s Office for the District of Arizona to determine if Ortiz interfered with U.S. law enforcement.

In 2024, a House ethics panel determined both De Los Santos and Ortiz engaged in disorderly behavior after the two led a chant on the House floor against Republicans who tabled a vote to repeal the state’s 1864 abortion ban. 

Republicans who filed the 2024 complaint accused De Los Santos and Ortiz of inciting a riot on the House floor, but the two said in a joint statement that Republicans were trying to suppress speech they don’t agree with. The House didn’t take further action on the complaint after the Ethics Committee published its report. 

Sen. Mark Finchem, R-Prescott, also filed a complaint against former Democratic Rep. Mark Cardenas in 2017 — back when Finchem served in the House — over a Facebook post in which Cardenas was critical of Republicans who supported that year’s budget. 

Finchem took issue with Cardenas describing the budget as being made up of “sweetheart deals and bribes to lawmakers” and Finchem accused Cardenas of engaging in impermissible debate by deliberately misrepresenting other lawmakers. Finchem’s complaint also wasn’t heard in the Ethics Committee that year.

Revived bill aims to restrict public funding for abortion services in Arizona

Key Points:
  • Rep. Lupe Diaz plans to reintroduce a bill that would prevent the state from providing public funding to clinics that promote or perform abortions
  • Opponents of the proposed bill say it would restrict health care access for low income patients
  • Republican lawmaker plans to revive bill to ban public funding for abortions

A Republican lawmaker wants to revive a bill that would prohibit the state from providing public funding to facilities and clinics that perform or promote abortions.

Rep. Lupe Diaz, R-Benson, said he plans to reintroduce his measure to prevent the state from entering into a contract or providing grants to any person or facility that provides or advises clients to seek an abortion.

Under current law, Arizona doesn’t allow public funding for most abortions except for emergencies, but Diaz’s proposal would expand upon that provision.

“For me and … all of the Republican Caucus, is that it is an individual and that individual deserves the same rights as any citizen under the constitution, which means protection of life,” said Diaz, who serves as the pastor of a nondenominational church in Benson. “Once you begin to violate … to cross that line, then, yeah, I’m going to restrict every dollar that I can from going to promote, perform and provide an abortion.”

Diaz’s original bill, House Bill 2547, passed the House along party lines before moving to the Senate, where it was approved in the Senate Government Committee. The measure then stalled before being approved by the chamber.

Supporters of the bill acknowledged that voters approved Proposition 139 last fall, which enshrines the right to an abortion in the state Constitution. However, they opposed the idea of taxpayer money funding facilities that advertise the procedure as a viable option for unwanted pregnancies.

“The crux of this whole issue is whether the taxpayer should be paying for that promotion,” said U.S. Rep Andy Biggs, R-Ariz, at the Senate Government Committee hearing on March 19. “So if you’re defining promotion as someone going in and being referred to a specific specialist for medical care, in this instance, there is no rationale that says that the public should have to be paying for that.”

The legislation drew strong opposition from medical professionals and abortion-rights groups that criticized the bill for attempting to circumvent the new constitutional right to abortion. 

According to those groups, the bill could limit access to health care options, affect low income people who rely on publicly funded clinics for reproductive health care and lead to the closure of facilities that provide abortions and other health care. 

“Arizonans spoke loud and clear last election when they overwhelmingly approved Prop 139. Yet extremists in the state legislature continuously target and stigmatize health care professionals and health centers at the expense of the health and well-being of Arizona’s already-vulnerable communities,” said Planned Parenthood Advocates of Arizona Interim President and CEO, April Donovan, in a statement. “We made clear this legislative session that HB 2547 is unpopular among voters and completely misleading – the bill was stalled and should not be revived.”

Diaz disagreed with the idea that the legislation would restrict health care services.

“There’s still going to be services provided. And for the low income, there’s going to be plenty of medical availability for them,” he said. “They just can’t perform abortions or promote them.”

Diaz originally said on X on June 26 that he was going to bring back the bill after the U.S. Supreme Court ruled in Medina v. Planned Parenthood South Atlantic case that a private citizen couldn’t sue South Carolina for excluding Planned Parenthood from receiving state Medicaid funding.

Although the ruling allows South Carolina to move forward with its plans, it still doesn’t address the legality of removing government funding from clinics that perform abortions, said James G. Hodge Jr., the Peter Kiewit Foundation professor of law and director of the Center for Public Health Law and Policy at Arizona State University’s Sandra Day O’Connor College of Law.

“They did not make any statement about whether South Carolina’s maneuver here was actually legally sound,” Hodge said. “We still don’t know exactly whether or not that will fly with the U.S. Supreme Court. They have not clarified that. My best guess is they will probably allow it.”

Arizona is one of 38 states with laws that restrict the use of public resources for abortions to varying degrees, according to data compiled in November 2022 by Temple University’s Center for Public Health Law Research. 

Most of the state policies mirror federal law by restricting funding for abortions except for emergencies.

States have intensified efforts to limit abortions since the Supreme Court reversed Roe v. Wade and withdrew the constitutional right to an abortion in 2022, Hodge said.

However, Diaz’s bill might face obstacles with Democratic Gov. Katie Hobbs, who has expressed her support for protecting abortion rights and women’s healthcare.

But that still won’t deter Diaz, who referred to Prop. 139 as a “special interest initiative.”

“I believe in good and evil,” he said. “And this was nothing but evil.”

Republican lawmakers pushing bills to chip away at voter-approved right to abortion

Republican lawmakers are advancing what could be a head-on challenge to the options women have under the newly approved constitutional amendment guaranteeing a fundamental right to terminate a pregnancy.

And a separate GOP bill awaiting a House vote would undermine state funding for health clinics if their staffers even mention to patients that they have the legal option of abortion.

On a party-line vote, members of the House Judiciary Committee on Feb. 19 approved legislation that would impose new requirements and restrictions on the use of abortion-inducing drugs. These range from requiring a physician to first examine the patient to blood tests and scheduling a follow-up visit.

Rep. Rachel Keshel, the sponsor of HB2681, did not show up to testify at the hearing to explain her legislation or the need for it. The Tucson Republican also did not return messages seeking comment.

Instead, lawmakers heard from Maura Rodriguez from Arizona Right to Life who said she used to work for Planned Parenthood and related stories of women who were given bad advice or no advice at all.

And Grace Hertz told legislators about other women who she said had problems, including bleeding, after using the pills.

Rep. Rachel Keshel

But Keshel has made no secret she wants to undo Proposition 139.

She argues that voters made a mistake and, she contends, were misled when they approved the initiative in November by a 3-2 margin. Keshel already is sponsoring a measure to ask voters to partially repeal the constitutional amendment in 2026.

This proposal, however, takes a different tack. It seeks to impose the new restrictions despite the explicit language and prohibitions in Proposition 139 in further legislative restrictions.

Arizona law already spells out that only doctors may provide abortion-inducing drugs. There also are requirements for things like ensuring patients have given informed consent and reporting requirements.

The legality of none of these have been tested since approval of Prop 139.

Despite that, Keshel’s HB2681 seeks to impose even more requirements, including that the doctor independently verify a pregnancy exists, new documentation requirements, determine the patient’s blood type and inform the patient “of possible physical and psychological aftereffects” of the drug.

But Jodi Liggett, lobbyist for Reproductive Freedom for All, contends the state can’t do that.

“In November, Arizona voters approved Proposition 139, enshrining a constitutional right to abortion,” she said.

What it also does, Liggett reminded lawmakers, is spell out that this is a fundamental right prior to the point of fetal viability. And what that means, according to the language that voters approved, is the state cannot deny, restrict or interfere with that right “unless justified by a compelling state interest that is achieved by the least restrictive means.”

“We believe that these restrictions violate the constitution,” she said.

Rep. Quang Nguyen, who chairs the panel, was not convinced. He pointed out that the two individuals who spoke in favor of the bill said that women were not given directions, told stories about others who had suffered bleeding, and that some people received the drugs through the mail.

“I can’t speak to an individual experience,” Liggett responded.

She said, though, that the state already regulates the practice of medicine, just as the Food and Drug Administration of drugs. And Liggett said when the protocols are followed, more than 300 studies have shown the medications are safe.

And the stories told to lawmakers?

“Of course, it’s a tragedy when someone falls into that less than one-third of 1 percent” who have complications, she said.

All that, however, still leaves the question of how much latitude lawmakers have to impose new restrictions given the language of Proposition 139.

“Arizonans spoke loud and clear last election when they overwhelmingly approved Proposition 139,” said Erika Mach. She is a lobbyist for Planned Parenthood Advocates of Arizona, the political arm of the organization.

“Yet this Republican-controlled state legislature is continuing to introduce and advance legislation that amends and dismantles this newly founded constitutional right to abortion,” Mach said.

In fact, she contends that some of the laws that  already were on the books before the November vote are themselves now illegal.

That, Mach said, specifically includes a ban on telemedicine, instead requiring women to have a face-to-face visit with a doctor to obtain the abortion drug. Also overruled, she argues, are requirements for a 24-hour waiting period, what she called “unnecessary ultrasounds,” and a requirement that medication abortions be done only by doctors and not specially trained clinicians.

And then there’s that ban on the mailing of medication abortions.

So far the only challenge that has been filed alleging a conflict with Prop 139 is to the state’s 15-week limit on abortions. Planned Parenthood and others filed suit in December seeking a ruling that it is no longer enforceable and their staffers cannot be prosecuted for abortions beyond that point because of the language in the initiative.

Maricopa County Superior Court Judge Frank Moskowitz has yet to rule on the request.

Keshel’s bill isn’t the only bid by GOP lawmakers to restrict abortions, at least indirectly.

Arizona law already bars the use of state dollars to perform abortions. That prohibition of state funds also applies to any person who performs abortions as well as anyone who operates a facility where abortions are performed.

Now the House is set to consider a bill that would deny state dollars to any individual who even just “promotes” abortions.

There is no definition in HB2547 of what that means. But Liggett told members of the House Government Committee, which was hearing that measure, that it would defund clinics that provide other reproductive and health care services just because they inform women that they are legally entitled to terminate a pregnancy.

“We think this is dangerous for the patient,” she said. What it also would do, said Liggett, is endanger funding for clinics that don’t provide abortions but do provide services like family planning, contraception and treatment of sexually transmitted diseases, and do tell patients of their rights.

This isn’t just about grants to those clinics.

Dr. Julie Kwatra, a Scottsdale obstetrician and gynecologist, said it also could endanger the ability of doctors to get reimbursement for routine services for patients who are in the state’s Medicaid program simply because they tell some about the option to terminate a pregnancy.

Rep. Lupe Diaz

But Rep. Lupe Diaz who is the sponsor of the legislation told colleagues that the approval of Proposition 139 proves to him there is no need for any state dollars to go to anyone who even promotes abortion.

“The abortion industry has a ton of money already,” said the Benson Republican.

“They were able to fund 139 with monies coming in from out of state, from throughout the nation, and probably outside of the nation,” he said. “We have some big players out there that want to just kill babies and that kind of stuff.”

Campaign finance reports show supporters of the ballot measure spent more than $33 million. That includes $4.7 million from The Fairness Project, which supports abortion ballot measures in multiple states, $3.25 million from the Advocacy Action Fund and $3 million from Planned Parenthood Action Fund.

There is no evidence of international donations.

The 4-3 vote in the committee came even after Marilyn Rodriguez, a lobbyist for Planned Parenthood Advocates, informed each of the lawmakers on the panel that Proposition 139 was approved by voters in each of their legislative districts.

For example, she said, 95,000 residents of LD 17, which Keshel represents, supported the initiative. By contrast, Rodriguez said, Keshel herself got just 71,000 votes.

“Your voters support abortion,” she told lawmakers, asking them to “respect their constitutional rights and vote ‘no.’ ”

Keshel, for her part, said she sides with Diaz, citing figures that Planned Parenthood nationally received close to $998 million in private donations in the 2022-2023 cycle.

“People like us, who do not support abortions, I don’t want a single penny of my taxpayer dollars going to that,” she said. “Planned Parenthood is doing just fine with donations from people who do support that.”

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